Ramtha School of Enlightenment

Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment

Founder: JZ Knight

Date of Birth: 1946

Birth Place: New Mexico , USA

Year Founded: 1988

Sacred or Revered Texts: The White Book

Size of Group: As of October, 2000, JZ Knight has around 3000 devotees. 1

History

JZ Knight, founder of Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment, was born in Roswell, New Mexico where she experienced psychic and paranormal phenomenon from an early age. An elderly Yacqui Indian woman held JZ in her arms when she was a mere infant and declared that she was destined to “see what no one else sees.” Then, when JZ was older, she and some friends saw “blinding red flashes of light” while at a sleepover. The light abruptly stopped, and the girls apparently forgot the bizarre incident. Years later, JZ recalled the strange flashing lights. She was intrigued by their cause and why she had forgotten about them. JZ believed UFO’s or some higher power may have been responsible, beginning her interest in the paranormal. 2

Despite a turbulent childhood caused by an alcoholic father, she graduated high school and went on to a small business college. Financial difficulties forced her to quit school, but she managed to get a decent job with a cable company. In 1973, she started her own communications company. Her coworkers quickly found that JZ had an uncanny ability to determine when (and to whom) to sell. In fact, some of them believed she could predict the future. 3

Whatever psychic influence JZ had might have been inherited from her mother, who claimed she could foresee the future in her dreams. JZ’s mother knew about a family member’s death or even whether JZ made the school majorette team before the event occurred. 4

JZ’s psychic experiences continued, helping her to realize that she was indeed special. One psychic saw a great force within JZ, a force nearly as powerful as Jesus Christ. This force would help bring peace to the world. Later, an event occurred that can only be described as a miracle. A friend had forced JZ to see an evangelical healer due to her faltering health. JZ, who had become disillusioned with the hypocritical church long ago, openly denounced the minister’s healing powers. In that instant, a flash of blue light knocked the minister down. The congregation was stunned. JZ was cured of her ills. She believed she had seen the hand of God. 5

One of the most important events in her life occurred when she accompanied her friend to a psychic reading one afternoon. The psychic took a strong interest in JZ. She predicted that JZ would move to a place with “great mountains” and “tall pines.” This was where she would meet The One. This entity, the psychic foresaw, would give JZ “great influence” and destiny. Sure enough, JZ received a job offer in the mountain country of Tacoma, Washington. She took the job with the psychic’s powerful words echoing in the back of her mind. 6

The next few years were uneventful in terms of paranormal phenomenon, but JZ and her second husband Jeremy dabbled in psychic communication and mysticism. Jeremy , in particular, became interested in the properties of pyramids, which were believed to harness psychic energy. One day in February, 1977, while JZ and Jeremy were playing with some pyramids in their home, The One appeared before her. 7

Standing in her kitchen a mere ten feet from JZ was an enormous figure, dressed in flowing robes and surrounded by purple light. He proclaimed, “I am Ramtha, the Enlightened One. I have come to help you over the ditch.” He went on to say to a bewildered JZ: “It is the ditch of limitation and fear I will help you over. For you will, indeed, beloved woman become a light unto the world.” Ramtha then warned JZ that she was in danger and she must leave the house immediately, at which point he disappeared. JZ heeded this warning, moving her family into a new home. Days later, the house was ransacked by thugs. The trusting relationship between JZ and Ramtha was thus cemented. 8

The Beginning of RSE

With the help of experts in the field of psychic communication and channeling, JZ was able to turn her body over to Ramtha so that he could spread his teachings. Ramtha first spoke to the public in 1978, when he made an impact with his vast knowledge and insight. The local media soon picked up on this story helping Ramtha’s (and JZ’s) popularity to spread. The fact that Ramtha emerged in the heart of the New Age movement considerably helped his cause; people were lining up to hear him speak. JZ became a full time channel and began charging money for admittance (an idea brought to her by Ramtha himself). Even Actresses Shirley McLean and Joan Hackett became disciples of Ramtha (The Enlightened One predicted McLean would win the “highest award” for her role in Terms of Endearment). Knight’s popularity among the stars lead to her appearance on the Merv Griffin Show in 1985. 9

The RSE Today

JZ’s school has earned her millions of dollars and lots of adoration. She is among the leading New Age channelers with 3000 followers. Disciples come to her ranch in Yelm, Washington to learn the Great Work (see Beliefs and Practices). Ramtha offers courses for beginners and advanced students which are designed to let the disciples harness their divine powers. Aside from lectures by Ramtha, the students participate in “field work” which is designed to focus their concentration and energy (C&E). Field work usually involves searching a vast field for index cards while blindfolded. JZ also built a massive maze known as the Tank in her ranch which she uses for various lessons. Although the lessons seem strange to the students and outsiders, each one has a specific purpose that progresses them on the path to enlightenment. 10

Ramtha’s School tends to attract an older audience than most New Age Movements. The average age for a beginning student is mid-thirties, with some starting as young as age 6, however. According to a study of the advanced students, the typical students “are in midlife, have high levels of education and occupational prestige, and are now choosing to orient themselves in a new direction.” 11

The RSE has become more commercial in the late 1990’s. Students must purchase and watch an introductory video before attending classes. The sale of Ramtha books, video’s, and audio cassettes has become a profitable business. 12

JZ’s success, however, is not without a price. Critics claim that JZ is a fraud, and that she uses mind control techniques. Lawsuits have hurt her in recent years, including a case brought by her ex-husband who says she used Ramtha’s influence to coerce him out of a fair divorce settlement (see controversies).

Beliefs

Ramtha’s teachings are encompassed in a work known as the White Book, and these ideas are based on ancient Gnosticism of the Mediterranean. The core principles of Ramtha’s School are 1) a supreme deity is a part of every man, and 2) the key to reaching the God within us is through Gnosis or knowledge. 13 Ramtha himself does not wished to be revered as a God, but rather as an equal. He says in one of his channeling sessions, “I am but a teacher, servant, brother unto you.” 14

Who Is Ramtha?

Ramtha is a 35,000 year old warrior from the ancient city of Lemuria. The Lemurians were oppressed by highly advanced citizens of Atlantis because they believed the Lemurians were “soulless.” At age 14, Ramtha led a small army against the Atlantians and defeated them. More people joined his army, and he soon became a great warrior. He was stabbed severely during one battle, but miraculously he did not die. His enemies began to believe he was immortal. Ramtha “learned the mysteries of the unknown god and became enlightened” during the seven years he was recovering from his wound. He rose through higher levels of consciousness and eventually transformed into a being of light. He ascended as a God, but vowed to return. 15

Indeed, 35,000 years later, Ramtha returned to meet JZ Knight. Ramtha chose to channel through JZ rather than present himself in human form for several reasons. First, he did not want to be worshipped as a deity, but rather an equal. He felt that if he presented himself, he would be idolized by his students. Second, his human form limited him to a male entity. Channeling himself through a woman presented the dual male/female nature of God. Third, for reasons of his own, he believed JZ Knight was especially suited to the task at hand. 16

Ramtha’s Worldview

Ramtha’s goal with beginner students is to break them away from the traditional Western worldview. This worldview limits the individual and suppresses his power as a divine being. Ramtha aims to make the student not only believe in his divine power, but to manifest it. 17 Ramtha’s Creation myth and the philosophies stemming from it are complex and abstract, but they are essential to understanding his teachings.

The universe started as a Void of nothingness. This Void “turned in upon itself” creating consciousness and energy. Consciousness and Energy fused together causing the Void to become aware of itself. This awareness was represented in the Void as single- dimensional entity called Point Zero. Other dots of awareness formed, and the high energy reactions between the various dots created time and space. As these dot entities interacted, seven energy levels developed. The entities of awareness left Point Zero to “explore” other levels of the Void in order to “make known the unknown.” As the entities progressed from Point Zero (the highest level) to level 1, energy and time slowed. At the lower levels, the entities took on form and substance. When the entities reached the first level, they “coagulated” into human form. It was at this level that life as we know it began. 18

This theory of Creation is difficult to grasp. The main point, however, is that consciousness exists on multiple levels, with human form being the lowest. The higher the level, the greater the level of consciousness. The entities (Gods) used consciousness to create objects at their whim. In other words, they manifested their dreams to create all the objects in the world. The Gods came down to the lowest levels to experience life in its material form, but they still had their divine powers. The early humans could easily move between levels and manifest their dreams or desires. Over time, however, this ability was lost. Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment allows students to regain these powers, and carry on the task of Gods: to make known the unknown. 19

Humans often move to other consciousness levels without realizing it. The most common occurrence is moving up to the second level while dreaming. Near-death experiences, psychic visions and other phenomenon can be attributed to moving to another plane of consciousness. 20

When humans lost the power of the Gods, they fell into the “ditch of limitation,” the same ditch that Ramtha mentioned during his first encounter with JZ. Ramtha holds the Church partly responsible for this limitation when it “took God outside of Man, [and] put him far, far away.” The Church “unenlightened” man by claiming that God is far superior to humans. Ramtha’s teachings indicate that the Church “created” God to keep men in line. He even goes so far as to say Hell and the devil were “created through religious dogma for the purpose of intimidating the masses into a controllable organization.” 21

The Great Work

The Great Work of Ramtha’s teaching is literally manifesting dreams and desires. In essence, the Great Work requires reaching maximum potential of the mind. The key to manifestations lies in the cerebrum, which, according to Ramtha, has the power to make dreams a reality. In the past, humans would hold a dream or desire in their mind, and it would manifest. Today, humans play a passive role to manifestations. They absorb the world around them in their mind, and this then becomes reality. In a sense, they are trapped in the present reality. Ramtha desires to teach students the power to manifest any desire and make known the unknown. 22

Issues and Challenges

Any new religion has its share of controversy, and the RSE is no exception. The public generally perceives New Age Religions, groups in a negative light, usually without any evidence. Ramtha’s messages are certainly not mainstream, and the way in which JZ presents them is also subject to controversy. Some critics claim JZ is a fraud whose only goal is to make money. Others say that she uses brainwashing techniques to keep her students from leaving. There are a number of opinions on the matter and no clear answers.

Is JZ a Channeler?

JZ has undergone a lot of scrutiny as one of the most prominent American channelers. Her overall performance as Ramtha is seamless. While she is channeling, her posture, walk, voice and the color of her eyes changes. Actress Linda Evans, a student of Ramtha’s, argued that if JZ is a fraud then “she is the greatest actress in the world.” 23 A skeptical psychologist became uncertain of JZ’s legitimacy when JZ put her hand on his head revealing such power that he “could hardly take it.” 24 Even if Ramtha was not real, he said, there was definitely a power within her that science could not explain. Later, a team of scientists did tests on JZ during channeling episodes over the course of a year. The results of the test categorically ruled out fraud or multiple personality disorders. 25 “We know something’s going on here,” said one of the researchers, “we just can’t say, at this point, specifically what it is.” 26 Her students swear that JZ and Ramtha have entirely different personas leading them to believe that Ramtha is indeed channeling through JZ.

Other evidence points to the contrary. One of JZ’s business managers saw her “practicing” the Ramtha personality. Her husband Jeff Knight also noticed her slip in and out of the trance to take cigarette breaks (JZ, unlike Ramtha, was a smoker). 27 And then there is the common sense argument, according to the Skeptics Dictionary Website: “…it doesn’t take a rocket scientist to figure out that the likelihood of a 35,000 year old Cro-Magnon ghost suddenly appearing in a Tacoma kitchen to a homemaker to reveal profundities about centers and voids, self-love and guilt-free living, or love and peace, is close to zero.” 28 It takes a great leap of faith to believe that JZ is a channeler, although scientific evidence may not be enough to discredit Ramtha.

Criticism of the RSE

Publicity surrounding Ramtha’s School has been negative for the most part in recent years. A 20/20 segment portrayed JZ as a fraud who was exploiting peoples’ beliefs in Ramtha for money. The show also claimed that Ramtha was teaching people that they are above morality due to their divine status. These beliefs, they surmised, could only lead to amoral behavior. The 20/20 exposure led to more attacks from the press on JZ and the School. 29

J. Gordon Melton, a leading scholar on new religious movements, thoroughly investigated the RSE and found that these criticisms were unfounded. Melton attributes most of the bad press to sensationalist journalism that critiques unconventional beliefs for a good story. Furthermore, anti-cult and counter-cult sentiments are popular with Americans, which intensifies the controversy. 30 . Melton’s book gave important facts rather than insinuations and smear campaigns

Anti-cultists respond that Melton’s book is biased because (1) Melton was hired to testify for JZ in a court case against her in 1992, (2) JZ provided funding for the book and (3) Melton established close ties with JZ and the school during the research thus damaging his credibility as an objective researcher. Melton also neglected to mention several incidents where people were injured during blindfolded field activities. 31 Although this omission does not make JZ a dangerous cult leader, it makes one wonder what else Melton left out of his book.

Criticism from the public caused JZ to withdraw from the public in the early 1990’s. During this period she devoted her time to her school and to Ramtha. Under Ramtha’s guidance, she reappeared to the public in the late 1990’s. As Ramtha’s school continues to succeed, it is receiving “signs of a certain legitimacy among the religious community.” 32 Today, JZ has an unprecedented number of students, and her books and tapes are selling well.

Scandals

Several scandals have marred JZ’s reputation among the religious community. The first involves a student of Ramtha’s who was hired to run stress management programs for the Federal Aviation Administration in 1984. This student, Gregory May, a psychologist from California, used techniques that were “far beyond routine.” Some of the training activities involved tying employees together for long periods of time, forcing women to shower together, sleep deprivation and verbal abuse. Several employees brought charges against the FAA for trauma occasioned by May. 33 These unorthodox techniques cannot be directly linked to Ramtha’s teachings. Nevertheless, the media was quick to point out the connection between bizarre training techniques and (what they perceived to be) a destructive cult.

Another scandal occurred because of JZ’s fondness for horses. Overstepping her boundaries as a religious leader, she advised some of her students to invest in Arabian horses. These students followed her advice as if advised by Ramtha himself. Many of them lost money in this venture and bitterly left the school. Later, JZ compensated them for their losses, but the damage had been done. She had given the critics ammunition to use against her. 34

In addition to these scandals, JZ had a turbulent personal life. She was married five times, and at least once she was caught in an affair with a young student. She divorced her fifth husband, Jeffrey Knight, in 1989. Jeffrey claimed that JZ used Ramtha’s influence to coerce him out of a fair divorce settlement. He took the case to court, embroiling JZ in an intense legal battle. 35 Meanwhile, JZ faced serious financial burdens from bill collectors and taxes. She kept these problems from the public, but eventually the media picked up on them.

Conclusion

Although Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment is surrounded by controversy, there is no clear evidence that JZ is a fraud or that the school is a danger to anyone. Sociologists and psychologists do not believe that students are “brainwashed” to follow this movement, nor are they held against their will. Ramtha’s students are searching for answers to life’s most important questions, and the School is helping them resolve these issues. Until undisputable evidence arises that JZ is harming people, the media and anti-cultists should be careful with their criticisms.

Bibliography

Brown, Michael. “The Channeling Zone.” Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. 1977.

Carrol, Robert Todd. “Ramtha aka J.Z. Knight.” The Skeptics Dictionary. http://skepdic.com/channel.html

Diamond, Steve. “Into the Mystic: Ramtha Meets the Scholars.” The New Times. Accessed at http://www.newtimes.org/issue/9705/97-05-jz.html

McDonald, Sally. “J.Z. Knight Channeling New Support.” Seattle Times May 9, 1998. Accessed at http://archives.seattletimes.nwsource.com

McDonald, Sally. “Christianity vs. New Age.” Seattle Times May 9, 1998. Accessed at http://archives.seattletimes.nwsource.com

Melton, J. Gordon. Finding Enlightenment. Hillsboro, OR: Beyond Words Publishing, Inc. 1998.

Neill, Michael. “Sure, blame the caveman: channeler J.Z. Knight’s troubles put 35,000 year old Ramtha on trial”. People Weekly Oct. 12, 1992 p. 123.

“Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment – The American Gnostic School.” http://www.ramtha.com

“The Guru and the FAA.” Newsweek , March 6 1995 p. 32.

References

  • “Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment, The School of Ancient Wisdom: FAQ’s.” http://www.ramtha.com/html/aboutus/faqs/students/how-many.stm
  • Melton, J. Gordon. Finding Enlightenment. p. 3-4
  • Ibid. 9
  • Ibid. 4
  • Ibid. 9-12
  • Ibid. 7-9
  • Ibid. 14-15
  • Ibid. 14-15
  • Ibid. 46-52
  • Ibid. 108-109
  • Ibid. 126-127
  • “Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment, The School of Ancient Wisdom:RSE Store.” http://ramtha.com/html/rse-store/product-details/v1.42.stm
  • “Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment, The School of Ancient Wisdom:About US.” http://ramtha.com/html/aboutus/faqs/school/gnostic-beliefs.stm
  • Melton, J. Gordon. Finding Enlightenment. p. 58
  • “Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment, The School of Ancient Wisdom:About US.” http://ramtha.com/html/aboutus/faqs/teacher/who.stm
  • “Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment, The School of Ancient Wisdom:About US.” http://ramtha.com/html/aboutus/faqs/teacher/why-jz.stm
  • Melton, J. Gordon. Finding Enlightenment. p. 58
  • Ibid. 78-80.
  • Ibid. 81-84
  • Ibid. 85
  • Ibid. 59- 61.
  • Ibid. 85
  • Ibid. 146
  • Brown, Michael. The Channeling Zone. p. 12
  • “Ramtha’s School of Enlightenment, The School of Ancient Wisdom:About US.” http://ramtha.com/html/aboutus/faqs/jz/proof.stm
  • Diamond, Steve. “Into the Mystic: Ramtha Meets the Scholars.” http://www.newtimes.org/issue/9705/97-05-jz.html
  • Szimhart, Joe. “Book Review/Essay on Melton’s Study.” http://www.kelebekler.com/cesnur/txt/ram2.htm
  • Carrol, Robert Todd. “Ramtha aka J.Z. Knight.”
  • Melton, J. Gordon. Finding Enlightenment. 137-139
  • Ibid. 144-145
  • Szimhart, Joe. “Book Review/Essay on Melton’s Study.” http://www.kelebekler.com/cesnur/txt/ram2.htm
  • McDonald, Sally. “J.Z. Knight Channeling New Support.”
  • “The Guru and the FAA.” Newsweek March6, 1995.
  • Melton, J. Gordon. Finding Enlightenment. p. 147-148
  • “Sure, blame the caveman.” People Weekly October 12, 1992

Created by Joseph M. Khattab
For Soc 257: New Religious Movements
Fall term, 2000
University of Virginia
Last modified: 07/23/01

 

 

 

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Phoenix Goddess Temple

Phoenix Goddess Temple

PHOENIX GODDESS TEMPLE TIMELINE

1961:  Tracy Elise was born.

1995:  Elise divorced her husband, left her family, and moved to Seattle to pursue her spiritual interests.

2000:  Elise began to develop the spiritual path that subsequently led to the establishment of the Phoenix Goddess Temple.

2002-2005 (June 21):  Elise developed relationships with and credentials in a series of spiritually oriented groups.

2005:  Elise established the Sedona Temple School of International Arts in 2005.

2008:  Elise founded the Phoenix Goddess Temple in a residence in Scottsdale, Arizona.

2011:  The Phoenix Goddess Temple received a conditional use permit from the Sedona city officials.

2011:  Local police in Phoenix raided the temple based on allegations that the church was a brothel. Numerous arrests of Temple affiliates were made; the Temple was shut down.

2015:  Elise received an honorary doctoral degree from the Institute for the Advanced Study of Human Sexuality.

2016 (March): Elise was found guilty on a series of prostitution-related charges and sentenced to prison.

2019 (March):  Elise was released from prison and continued her efforts to protest and overturn her conviction.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Tracy Elise [Image at right] founded the Phoenix Goddess Temple of Phoenix, Arizona in 2008. Fifty-year-old Elise, who serves as the church’s Mother Priestess, is a former housewife who previously resided with her devout Catholic husband and their three children in Fairbanks, Alaska. There Elise won Miss Harvest Queen at the State Fair and attended the local Pentecostal church, “where she says she spoke in tongues and served as precinct captain for Pat Robertson’s 1988 presidential bid” (Best 2010). Largely as a result of her intense spiritual discontent, Elise reports, she divorced her husband and left her family in 1995. She has identified a particular moment that impelled her to relinquish her conventional lifestyle: “‘I remember I was in my little tract home, folding laundry, watching this A&E documentary about Simone de Beauvoir, about all the lovers she had, and thinking, “I’m never going to have that kind of life, that kind of excitement,” she says’” (Best 2010). According to her brief biographical statement, she

…began her temple healing work on the High Holy Day Imbolc, Feb. 2, 2000, entering a covenant to serve the Celtic Goddess of Healing Brigid. In 2002 she was ordained Healer & Guide by Spiritual Healers & Earth Stewards. The Venusian Church offered a charter & ordination to her Light Body Temple in 2003. She led a group practice in Seattle as the School of One, and founded the Mystic Sisters Priestess Path in 2005, which trains and ordains women to embody the sacred feminine in Whole Body Healing Magnetic Touch (Elise n.d.)

Elise established the Sedona Temple School of International Arts in 2005 and then opened the Phoenix Goddess Temple in Scottscale and subsequently in Phoenix, a Neo Tantra, non-denominational and multi-faith “life force energy temple” created “to teach people about the sacred feminine aspect of the creator” (McMahon n.d.). In 2011, the Phoenix Goddess Temple received a conditional use permit from the Sedona city officials (“Sedona Use Permit Upheld” 2011). The organization had already received IRS  501c3 non-profit status. It appears that the Goddess Temple operated openly and with limited opposition for several years. However, in March 2011 the New Times carried a cover story describing the Phoenix Goddess Temple as “nothing more than a New Age brothel” (Stern 2016), A police investigation of the Temple was then launched that led to the arrest of Elise [Image at right] and other Temple staff members and a shutdown of the temple in September 2011

The case dragged on for about five years before a trial was actually conducted. In 2016, after a trial that lasted over forty days, Elise was convicted on nineteen counts of criminal conduct. Sentences for the various offenses were allowed to run concurrently, which meant that Elise was sentenced to four and a half years. Since she had already served 305 days of jail time, her additional prison sentence was three and a half years. She was also ordered to serve four years of probation following release from prison. Elise was released after serving her sentence in March 2019.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Elise identifies her religion as Tantra and states that the church offers lessons in “whole body healing,” available through a variety of class offerings and with the aid of various practitioners or touch healers. The Phoenix Goddess Temple website describes the temple’s mission in the following way: “Our temple is an open source for all who wish to better know the Great Mother and her unique gifts for healing body, mind and soul. We seek to help women, men and couples discover their own divine connection between soul, light body and sacred vessel…. Our teachings are body centric, emanating from the resonating vessel, which is your own Sacred Self” ( Phoenix Goddess Temple n.d.).

In the Temple’s November, 2008 “Mother Sez” newsletter, Elise enumerated the church’s core beliefs and objectives as follows:

“We help people recognize, sense, play with, direct and finally master their life force energy.”

“We work with many energy systems, the primary model being the Chakra Ladder of Light, which is recognized for over 5000 years by the Hindu, the Egyptians and Tibetan Buddhists.”

“We revere the human body as our gift from the Mother Goddess, which gives the soul all opportunity to play and learn on planet Earth.”

“We believe in the power of Now and in the power of authentic witness, one soul to another.”

“Orgasm is a Holy moment, when Heaven and Earth merge in the body as ‘ Paradise right now’, before, during and after orgasm we feel connected to God/Goddess and all of Creation.”

The Tantric emphasis of the feminine as well as the masculine aspect of God features prominently in Elise’s discourse. She notes that little is taught “about the feminine face of God” and avows that “we believe that sacred sexuality and wholesomeness in sexual energy emanates from the woman” (McMahon). She also maintains that the temple and its healing ceremonies empower women.

Elise emphasizes the centrality of Tantra to Phoenix Goddess Temple (Sitchin 2019):

Tantra practice is fully aware that the universe flows from 1 Source. The Divine One expresses through 2 types of energies as Yin, which magnetically attracts and receives and Yang, which actively sends forth creation power. Modern science and ancient mystery schools agree that duality/polarity is the foundational process through which all existence comes into form. In Magnetic Tantra, we bring these polarized energies into balance, within ourselves and in our relations with the outer world. This delivers the bliss of orgasmic connection to even the ‘ordinary’ events in our lives.

Magnetic Tantra is a kind of ‘instant bliss’ in which the chakra centers in your hands create immediate sensations of peace, unity and eternity.

In some cases, but infrequently, individual healers have claimed more extraordinary powers. One of the temple’s touch healers, Wayne Clayton, has laid claim to divine or miraculous powers: “He says one of his clients in Chicago lost a breast to cancer, and after several healing sessions with him, she grew her breast back. He says another woman in Chicago, this one suffering from cervical cancer and a subsequent hysterectomy, grew her female organs back through energy work” (D’Andrea 2011).

RITUALS/PRACTICES

The Temple describes its rituals as follows: “As a Neo Tantra Temple, we bring together many traditions which guide us into right and loving use of the life force within our bodies. As Priests & Priestesses, we conduct this heavenly light into the physical plane, likewise, we lift form into higher frequencies of heaven! This up-down pillar of light exchanges continuously between heaven and earth, body, soul and Source ( Phoenix Goddess Temple n.d.)

The temple’s central rituals consist of the various Tantra classes or healing ceremonies offered to “seekers.” These are organized into introductory, intermediate and advanced levels and involve instruction from or interaction with a practitioner. Female practitioners are referred to as “goddesses” [Image at right] and generally assume goddess identities such as Shakti, Isis and Aphrodite. Male practitioners are commonly called “touch healers.” According to the Temple website, the church healers “seek to help women, men and couples discover their own divine connection between soul, light body and sacred vessel” and “offer group classes and one-on-one teachings and training, play shops and internships,” all meant to “make use of the gifts of the Goddess” and allow seekers to, among other things, “feel the light of your own soul” and “feel the chakra wheels spinning your self into physical existence.”

The ten thousand square foot temple houses a reception area, a Transformation Chamber which seekers enter to remove their clothing prior to instruction from one of the temple’s goddesses or male practitioners, and healing chambers, which contain “high altars” and “altars of light.” These sessions typically feature a lengthy massage with oils, sacred herbs and crystals, to stimulate the chakras, and frequently culminate in sexual stimulation and orgasm.

The centrality of sexual stimulation to Temple therapy is evident on its website. For example, the website listed (prior to its being taken down) a number of specific Tantra-based therapies:

Tantric Temple Dance:
The dancer channels her movements based on the energy you need, so it’s very healing as well. Once she raises your energy, she works with you one-on-one using massage, breath & undulation techniques to move the heightened sexual energy through your entire body. You may feel tingling sensations, or waves of orgasmic energy flowing from your head to your toes.

Double Goddess Sessions:
Almost all of the sessions can be ‘doubled’. But we don’t recommend starting off with a Double Goddess session if you are a novice in the area of Tantra. These sessions can be quite intensive, possibly dangerous if you are not used to running high levels of Tantric energy.

The Art of Divine Touch:
Level Three will teach you how to give your woman the 3000 year old Tantric Sacred Spot Healing Massage, (G-spot), opening her up to her full orgasmic potential. You will also have an opportunity to review the Yoni Massage as well if you have taken that session.

The specific form of Tantra practiced at the Temple is Magnetic Tantra, which incorporates elements from a number of tantric and other spiritual traditions. Elise highlights features of Magnetic Tantra as follows (Elise 2019) :

Feel the light of your soul in your solar plexus

Discover your light body & your chakra energy centers

Play with the magnificent polarity between 2 beings

Learn to deliberately create closed conduits for the flow of life force between yourself and your lover

Discern how the electric polarity between men & women affects everything that happens in our relating to one another.

Tantra practice is fully aware that the universe comes from 1 Source.

The Divine One expresses through 2 types of energies: Yin, which magnetically attracts and receives and Yang, which actively sends forth power.

Magnetic Tantra goes beyond philosophy and delves into creating energy awareness by opening the 3rd eye.

Elise considers her calling to be of a holy nature and regards sex as intrinsically connected to spirituality. She conceives of these whole body healing sessions as beneficial to the spiritual and physical welfare of the temple’s seekers. She has repeatedly extolled the healing power of the temple’s ceremonies, especially the sacredness of the orgasm. Furthermore, “she herself seems to believe most fervently in what she calls ‘direct downloads from God,’ immediate communication from the divine that can take the form of signs, omens and physical sensations” (Best 2010). Elise understands herself to be receptive to such downloads.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Elise serves as the Mother Priestess and Mystic Mother of the temple. She oversees the goddesses and touch healers, leads sessions and classes, and organizes events. [Image at right] Temple participants include guests (who seek information about the Temples activities), seekers (“who have a spiritual practice or have had in the past, and are now feeling led to find new sources of energy, direction and connection to the Higher Power”), initiates (“who have found genuine soul-food in our temple”), brothers and sisters (“who have decided to really support the Goddess Temples”), priests and priestesses (“who have a gift for channeling light into matter”), and healers and guides (who have “gifts to give as well as receive”) (Phoenix Goddess Temple n.d. “In Temple”).

The goddesses total about fourteen in number and “come from diverse backgrounds: They include a former accountant, paralegal, nurse, even a bank CEO, along with what Elise describes as at least three ‘runaway housewives’” (Best 2010). The goddesses typically work with male seekers, and the male touch healers provide instruction or healing for female seekers. In addition to the healing ceremonies, the church also holds a weekly Sunday brunch and worship service and offers Friday night sex education classes, Yoga Pain relief classes, Naked Life coaching and a monthly Healing Abuse/Trauma Circle. At the conclusion of the session, participants are instructed to leave a temple offering or donation. They are advised to “look for the lotus candle on an altar in your transformation chamber. Your love offering is an active way for you to help restore the balance of Yin / Yang energies here on planet earth as every Temple of the Mother provides much needed Yin to the Universal Web of Life” (Phoenix Goddess Temple n.d. “Offerings of Support”). The donation schedule stipulates amounts between two hundred and eight hundred dollars, depending on the number of participants and guides and the length of the sessions.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Phoenix Goddess Temple has encountered opposition from a variety of sources, including local residents, investigative journalists, therapists, and law enforcement agencies. Police visited the Phoenix Goddess Temple at its Scottsdale location in 2009 after residents complained. They charged the temple with city code violations, which resulted in the church’s relocation. Journalists have expressed skepticism about the Temple’s actual purpose. Journalist Jason Best interviewed Elise extensively for Phoenix Magazine and visited the temple in 2010. He wrote that while Elise asserts that she draws from the Indian philosophy of Tantra, “there is no single sacred text, no structured theology. In one conversation, Elise can toss off references to Buddhist philosophy, Biblical scripture and Celtic legend, throwing in a Taoist aphorism for good measure” (Best 2010). Another journalist dubbed it, “nothing more than a New Age brothel practicing jack psychology techniques” (D’Andrea 2011). The Temple seems to have anticipated some of this skepticism. For example, before engaging in services at the temple, seekers are required to sign a waiver stating, “‘I acknowledge I will not receive any type of sexual gratification in exchange for money during my session’” (D’Andrea 2011).

Professional therapists have expressed concern regarding the Goddess Temple’s healing techniques, especially the sessions for those who have suffered sexual abuse. The Phoenix New Times quoted licensed Arizona therapist Diane Genco: “If these non-traditional healers are not qualified or credentialed in understanding post-traumatic stress disorder and all the things that go with that — the ripple effects of trauma — it could be harmful” (D’Andrea 2011).

Certainly, law enforcement was the most consequential source of opposition that the Temple faced and the source that ultimately led to its dissolution. Law enforcement agencies consistently treated the Temple as a brothel masquerading as a church. In 2009, three of the Seattle Tantra temples that Elise had been affiliated with were raided by police. Elise’s former associate Rainbow Love was charged with promoting prostitution. Following a six-month investigation, police raided the Phoenix Goddess Temple in September 2011, “having obtained a search warrant after initiating several undercover deals and determining that the Temple Goddess employees had been trained to use evasive vocabulary,” including terms such as “seekers” and “sacred union” (Caron 2011). Maricopa county attorney Bill Montgomery stated that, “We’re not viewing this in any way as somehow protected by the first amendment. This is not religious expression. This is a criminal activity and those responsible thought they were being too clever by half by coming up with different terms” (Caron 2011).

Initially at least, the Temple did not seem to have great concern about potential legal liability. Elise established the group located in Arizona rather than neighboring New Mexico where it was potentially possible to legally practice activities that authorities in Arizona subsequently labeled prostitution, openly advertised the temple in local news media, granted an on-the-record interview with a journalist, presented money received as “donations” and participants as “seekers, required participants to sign a waiver, and rejected a pre-trial plea agreement to serve only three months of incarceration.

The Phoenix Goddess Temple also vigorously defended its legitimacy. The Temple goddesses did not deny the existence of the Temple’s sexual practices; they simply asserted that “at the core, what distinguishes their ‘practice’ from common sex work is the matter of their intention” (Best 2010). Elise argued for the holiness of the orgasm: “You have absolute peace, you do not fear death, and you have no experience of lack or separation. The point of religion is peace of mind, returning the physical body to what is eternal, so I have to ask, how is what we’re doing not religion?” (Best 2010). As for her personal legitimacy, Elise has responded that she is “under the jurisdiction of the most high” (D’Andrea 2011).

The Temple’s defense notwithstanding, ultimately eighteen people were arrested; charges of prostitution, pandering and conspiracy were levied against over thirty members of the temple. Elise then was incarcerated in Maricopa County, with bail bond set at $1,000,000. She rejected an early plea offer from the prosecutor of three months in prison. Instead, she refused to admit that she was guilty of any crimes and chose instead to assert a First Amendment right to freedom to practice her religion. All of the other defendants agreed to plead guilty to reduced charges, leaving her as the sole defendant at trial.

When the trial began, however, Elise was not allowed to mount a religious liberty defense, which subsequently led to her decision to appeal the trial verdict. As a result, she presented a defense based on prejudice on the part of the prosecutor (who she depicted as holding extremely conservative Catholic views on legitimate sexual expression), a contention that the prosecution sought to prevent the teaching of Tantra, and the allegation that her conviction would lead to the eradication of goddess temples across the country.

Her defense also was unorthodox. She served as her own attorney. In preparation for her final argument to the jury, she set up a small alter on the defense table”with pine cones and goddess figurines, then told the court that she was “letting the holy spirit guide me today through this trial” (Brinkman 2016). (Image at right) Finally, she sang the Star Spangled Banner just prior to being sentenced (Walsh 2016).

At the conclusion of the forty-eight day trial, the jury found Elise guilty of twenty-two counts of prostitution, illegal control of an enterprise, money laundering, conspiracy, and related charges. County Superior Court Judge Sherry Stephens sentenced Elise to four and one half years in prison at ADC Perryville women’s prison, with sentences to run concurrently (Stern 2016). With credit for 305 days in jail, Elise ultimately served three and one half years in prison and was ordered to serve an additional four years of probation (Stern 2016).

At the end of the day, the case against the Temple turned on several issues: whether Elise was a “spiritual leader” or a “brothel madam,” whether the Temple “goddesses” were “priestesses” or “prostitutes,” whether “orgasm” was part of  path to a transcendent “spiritual/healing experience” or “sex for hire” masquerading as religion, whether the money that was exchanged between “goddesses” and their “seekers” was a “fee for sexual service” or a “donation” to the Temple and its spiritual “healing” and “therapy,” and whether the Phoenix Goddess Temple was a legitimate religious “temple” or a “brothel.”

While the state won the day at the initial trial, Tracy Elise and her allies continued their quest for exoneration. Upon her release from prison they pursued their goals online through postings on The 8th House Productions and Patreon.com that contain testimonials, legal documents, video of trial proceedings. These resources are being gathered in support of appellate court appeals based on constitutional rights and, according to Elise with the blessing of Justicia, the Goddess of Law (Duncan 2019).

‘To win in court, you must refuse a plea bargain, and I did. To win, you must endure running at the Superior Court level, and I did. Upholding constitutional protection for our religious freedom can only be accomplished through our current appellate process. To establish our healing Temple in all 50 states requires us to take this case all the way to the Supreme Court, and I stand ready to accomplish this.

IMAGES
Image #1: Tracy Elise.
Image #2: The 2011 arrest of Tracy Elise.
Image #3: The “goddesses” in Phoenix Goddess Temple.
Image #4: Phoenix Goddess Temple logo.
Image #5: Tracy Elise presenting her defense at trial.

REFERENCES

Best, Jason. 2010. “Oh, Goddess: Tracy Elise is Preaching Her Gospel of Transcendence Through Pleasure to the Valley, Which Raises One Big Question: Can Sex Be a Religion?” Phoenix Magazine. March 2010. Accessed from http://www.phoenixmag.com/lifestyle/valley-news/201003/oh–goddess/2/ on 21 October 2011.

Brinkman, Susan. 2016. “Priestess Blames Catholics for Goddess Temple Woes.” Women of Grace Blog, March 7. Accessed from https://www.womenofgrace.com/blog/?p=48051 on 15 May 2020.

Caron, Christina. 2011. “ Phoenix Goddess Temple Raided as Alleged Brothel.” ABC News. 9 September 2011. Accessed from http://abcnews.go.com/US/phoenix-goddess-temple- raided-alleged-brothel/story?id=14481945 on 21 October 2011.

D’Andrea, Niki. 2011. “ Phoenix Goddess Temple’s ‘Sacred Sexuality’ Is More Like New Age Prostitution.” Phoenix New Times. 17 February 2011. Accessed from http://www.phoenixnewtimes.com/2011-02-17/news/feature/4/ on 21 October 2011.

Duncan, Fiona Alison. 2019. “Phoenix Goddess Temple.” Mal Journal, January. Accessed from https://maljournal.com on 15 May 2020.

Elise, Tracy. 2019. “Tracy Elise & Her Covenant to Serve the Mother.” Patreon.com. Accessed from https://www.patreon.com/user?u=20488979 on 15 May 2020.

Greene, Nick. 2011. “Phoenix Temple Has Great Website, Allegedly is a Brothel.” Village Voice, September 10. Accessed from https://www.villagevoice.com/2011/09/10/phoenix-temple-has-great-website-allegedly-is-a-brothel-update/

McMahon, Pat. n.d. The Pat McMahon Show. Accessed from http://www.phoenixgoddesstemple.org/index.php/home/temple-in-the-news/603-mother-priestess-tracy-elise-wpat-mcmahaon-hard-questions on 21 October 2011.

Oklevueha Native American Church. 2016. “Sexual Healing or New Age Brothel? Sword And Scale. Accessed from https://www.swordandscale.com/sexual-healing-or-new-age-brothel/ on 15 May 2020.

Phoenix Goddess Temple. n.d. “In Temple.” Accessed at http://www.phoenixgoddesstemple.org/index.php/in-temple on 28 October 2011.

Phoenix Goddess Temple. n.d. “Offerings of Support.” Accesses at http://www.phoenixgoddesstemple.org/index.php/in-temple/offerings-of-support on 28 October 2011.

Phoenix Goddess Temple. n.d. “You are Well-Come.” Accessed at http://www.phoenixgoddesstemple.org/ on 28 October 2011.

“Sedona Temple Use Permit Upheld: Sex Therapy to Remain in West Sedona. 2011. Sedona.biz, July 18. Accessed from https://www.sedona.biz/news-from-sedona/sedona-temple-use-permit-upheld/ on 15 May 2020.

Sitchin, Zecharia. 2019.”TANTRA* TEMPLES AS LEGAL CHURCHES?” Accessed from https://enkispeaks.com/tantra-temples-as-legal-churches/ on 15 May 2020.

Stern, Ray. 2016. “Phoenix Goddess Temple Priestess Tracy Elise Heads to Prison.” Phoenix New Times, May 20. Accessed from https://www.phoenixnewtimes.com/news/phoenix-goddess-temple-priestess-tracy-elise-heads-to-prison-8306220 on 17 May 2020.

Walsh, Jim. 2016. “‘I Am a Priestess. I Am Not a Prostitute’: Sex Priestess Sentenced to Four Years.” Vice, May 20. Accessed from https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/mgm8zp/i-am-a-priestess-i-am-not-a-prostitute-sex-priestess-sentenced-to-four-years on 15 May 2020.

Publication Date:
22 November 2011
Update:
20 May 2020

 

 

 

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Our Lady of Clearwater

OUR LADY OF CLEARWATER TIMELINE

1929 (January 15) Father Edward J. Carter, S.J was born.

1991 Rita Ring began receiving “private messages from Jesus and Mary.

1991 (September 1) Mary appeared to five women in a field in Indiana, identifying herself as “The Lady of Light. One of the women was the anonymous visionary who came to be known as “The Batavia ( Ohio) Visionary”

1992 The Batavia Vissionary predicted that the Virgin Mary would appear at the St. Joseph Church in Cold Spring, Kentucky.

1992 (May) Mary announced that she would select three priests as “special ambassadors.”

1992 (August 31) Carter saw what he described as an image of the Virgin Mary in the trees at St. Joseph Church.

1993 Carter began receiving locutions from Jesus.

1994 Carter founded the Shepherds of Christ Ministry after the Batavia Vissionary was instructed to include him with the other priests who were to receive messages through her and to carry out the special mission of establishing the Shepherds of Christ.

1996 (May 31) Carter and the Batavia visionary saw Mary in a field and then began receiving messages until September 13, 1997

1996 (December 17) A customer at the Seminole Finance Company in Clearwater, Florida noticed an iridescent outline resembling the Virgin Mary on the glass paneling comprising the south wall of the building.

1996 (December 19) Two days after the image was first reported, Rita Ring, an active member of the Shepherds for Christ Ministry, received a message from Mary authenticating the image.

1997 (January) Clearwater police estimated a total of nearly 500,000 visitors since the initial sighting.

1997 (May) An unidentified vandal defaced the image by spraying the window with corrosive chemicals.

1998 (July 15) Ring reported a message from the Virgin Mary requesting a crucifix be built and placed beside her image.

1998 (Fall) Ugly Duckling Corporation leased the 22,000 square-foot building to the Shepherds of Christ Ministries, who subsequently purchased and renamed it “Our Lady of Clearwater.”

1998 (December 17) The Shepherds of Christ Ministries unveiled 18-foot crucifix, sculpted by Felix Avalos at the site.

2000 (December 18) Father Carter died.

2000 (February) The Shepherds of Christ opened a factory manufacturing rosaries on the second floor of the building.

2003 (December) The rosary factory closed due to a lack of funding and labor.

2004 (March 1) An assailant shattered the three topmost window panes which had revealed the head of the image.

FOUNDER/ GROUP HISTORY

On December 17, 1996, a customer at the Seminole Finance Company in Clearwater, Florida noticed an image bearing striking
resemblance to the Virgin Mary on the window paneling comprising the south wall of the building. The image occupied about a dozen glass panels on the building and was approximately 50 feet in height and 35 feet in width (Trull 1997). The customer who first noticed the image contacted local media, and within hours a crowd had gathered outside the building to witness the “Christmas miracle.” Devotees, skeptics, and otherwise interested tourists began to flood the city. The Clearwater city council was forced to take immediate action to accommodate an influx of visitors, estimated at 80,000 per day during December, to which the city was not accustomed. Within two months of the original sighting, Clearwater police estimated that “almost a half-million people” had visited the location and established a “Miracle Management Team” to handle the crowds of pilgrims (Tisch 2004:2). By the spring of 1997, the city had already “spent over $40,000… for crowd control” and later installed a traffic signal at the intersection of U.S. 19 and Drew Street, where the building is located (Posner 1997:3).

After the initial outpouring of public interest, the number of pilgrims gradually waned. Declining public interest in the image was reversed when, in May of 1997, the image was defaced by an unidentified vandal who sprayed corrosive chemicals onto the window, temporarily obscuring the image. However, the following month “two days of heavy thunderstorms washed away the blemishes; some pilgrims referred to this event as the image “healing itself” (Trull 1997; Tisch 2004:3). Despite the suddenly rekindled interest, in the years following the initial sighting and consequential fervor, the numbers of visitors to the site had decreased to about two hundred per day. Nonetheless, the Clearwater apparition underwent “a series of developments…that led to its institutionalization as a devotional center” and thus relative longevity compared to many other apparition sites (Swatos 2002:182). Among these factors were the relative permanence and resilience of the image until its final destruction in 2004, the emergence of a visionary who provided messages associated with the image, and a connection to the Shepherds of Christ Ministries.

At the time of the sighting, the building as well as the Seminole Finance Company was owned by Michael Krizmanich, a devout Catholic who subsequently sold the business to Ugly Duckling Car Sales Inc. The extremely large number of pilgrims to the site had a negative impact on the Ugly Duckling’s sales, and the company ultimately decided to lease the building to the Shepherds of Christ Ministries. The Shepherds renamed the building the “ Mary Image Building” and converted the interior into a shrine. Some members of the Ohio-based Shepherds of Christ Ministries relocated to Florida. Among them was Rita Ring who received a message authenticating the image in Clearwater on December 19, 1996, just two days after the initial image sighting.

In a later message received by Ring on July 15, 1998, the Virgin requested that a large crucifix be built and placed next to her image on the window panels. Funded by the Shepherds of Christ Ministries, the eighteen-foot crucifix sculpted by Felix Avalos, was unveiled on December 17, 1998, two years after the first sighting.

On March 1, 2004, the image was irreparably damaged when an assailant shattered the three topmost window panes. It has been

theorized that the vandal used a slingshot to propel several small metal balls through the panels containing the image’s head. Despite the damage to the image, the Shepherds of Christ Ministries retained the Mary Image Building, and Rita Ring continued to receive messages from the Virgin and Jesus However, the permanent destruction of the apparition has greatly diminished visitation to the Clearwater site.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Rita Ring has been the central visionary at Our Lady of Clearwater. Although Ring had reported receiving messages from Jesus and Mary since 1991, the messages following the appearance of the image on the Seminole Finance Company were closely linked to the Clearwater image. Ring’s first message following the discovery of the image on December 19, 1996 authenticated the image and connected the image to its location: “…I appear to you, my children, on a [former] bank in Florida. You have made money your god! Do you know how cold are your hearts? You turn away from my Son, Jesus, for your money. Your money is your god… ” (“News” n.d.)

Ring reported that Mary requested a widespread dissemination of the present messages, of those which would follow, and of the “Mary Message,” a tape recorded message received seven days prior at the annual feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe. A similar message was received on January 23, 1997, in which Ring reported Mary’s request for the distribution of not only “Mary’s Message,” but also several other books published by the Shepherds of Christ Ministries, including God’s Blue Book and Rosaries from the Hearts of Jesus and Mary. Further, many of the messages conveyed God’s wrath with human sinfulness and the failure to listen to previous messages, threatening humanity with fire, even citing religious negligence and divine wrath as the source of contemporary wildfires across Florida. There have also been prophecies of an imminent Endtime. All of Ring’s messages have been discerned by Father Carter.

The religious activity associated with Clearwater is clearly largely rooted in Catholicism and parallels the belief of many similar apparition groups for a need to return to the teachings of Christ. The Shepherds of Christ Ministries also has sought a degree of ecumenism. When the Shepherds decided to acquire the bank building in 1998, the group stated its intention to “make [the] site available to people of all faiths for quiet prayer and refection,” and questioned religious divisions, asking “Do we not all pray to the same Heavenly Father?” (Swatos 2002).

RITUALS

Shortly after the initial sighting of the Clearwater image, a provisional shrine was constructed at the apparition site containing benches, a donations box, candles, rosaries, photographs, flowers, candles, and prayer requests. Visitors to the site commonly leave offerings to the Virgin, such as “candles, flowers, fruit, [and] beads, and participate in individual acts of piety (Posner 1997:2). Mary’s requests for pilgrims, as reported by Ring, include prayer, a daily recitation of the Ten Commandments at the site, recitation of the rosary, and an observance of the First Saturday devotion. In order to fulfill the Virgin’s requests to distribute her messages and lead others into prayer, audiotapes of “Mary’s Message” are played and rosaries, pamphlets, and brochures are provided by site staff (Swatos 2002:192). The focus on individual worship, rather than “the communal sense of the Mass,” is one of the primary factors setting the Clearwater group’s organization apart from traditional Catholic configuration (Swatos 2002).

Pilgrims to the site also contribute to the perception of a sacred presence and the potential for miraculous events. For example, among some pilgrims from the Latino community there was a sense that Mary might assist a young refugee from Cuba who sought asylum in the U.S.: “Tessy Lopez, 62, of Miami Beach beamed with joy as she regarded the apparition. Like many others gathered at the site, Lopez said she considered it to be a sign of an impending miracle for Elian, the 6-year-old Cuban rafter who
survived a voyage that killed his mother and 10 others….I think that boy is blessed. Many people gave their lives for that boy, and he lives  blocks from here,” Lopez said. “We must realize this is an important sign” (Garcia 2000). Barbara Harrison (1999) visited the site on Christmas, 1996 and reported a message from Mary in which she was told “I have selected you as a vehicle through which my message will be spread….You must tell of this day and of our previous meetings in a book….You must tell of the miracles of birth and adoption.”

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Little is known about the life of one of the two central figures in Clearwater apparition. Rita Ring is simply described as a married woman with four children, a mathematics professor at the University of Cincinnati, and a devout Catholic and active member of the Shepherds of Christ Ministry. She reportedly began receiving “private revelations” from Jesus and Mary in 1991, several years prior to reporting messages associated with the image at Our Lady of Clearwater. More is known about Father Edward Carter. He was brought up I Cincinnati, attended Xavier University, was ordained in the Jesuit Order when he was 33 years-old, and taught theology at Xavier University for nearly three decades. Carter reports having begun receiving messages from Jesus during the summer, 1993, and on the day before Easter in 1994 was told that he would now begin to receive messages for others (Carter 2010). He founded the Shepherds of Christ Ministry in 1994 after the Batavia Vissionary was instructed to include him with the other priests who were to receive messages through her and to carry out the special mission of establishing the Shepherds of Christ. Carter also received a message from Jesus in which he was told to undertake this mission and to include Rita Ring: ” I am requesting that a new prayer movement be started under the direction of Shepherds of Christ Ministries…. I will use this new prayer movement within My Shepherds of Christ Ministries in a powerful way to help in the renewal of My Church and the world. I will give great graces to those who join this movement…. I am inviting My beloved Rita Ring to be coordinator for this activity” (“About” 2006).
On December 19, 1996, two days after the image on the Seminole Finance Company Building was reported, Mary authenticated the Clearwater apparition to Rita and instructed Rita to begin the work in Florida. Ring began serving as the locutionist, and Cartervalidated (“discerned) her messages. For a time she received messages daily that were made available in the Message Room along with video tapes. Ring visited what became the ” Mary Image Building” on the fifth of each month. Beginning in 2000, the year of Jubilee, the image has appeared to turn completely gold on that day.

The Shepherds of Christ Ministries describes itself as “a multi-faceted, international movement, made up of a number of ministries all dedicated to “bringing the Catholic Church’s faithful to deeper love and respect for the Hearts of Jesus and Mary.” Open to priests, religious and the laity, the ministry currently has over 150 prayer chapters in its worldwide network devoted especially to the spiritual welfare of priests” (Shepherds of Christ Ministries n.d.). The organization devotes itself to promoting the welfare of priests and encouraging those interested in a spiritual life to recite the rosary and participate in the Eucharist. A major objective is to encourage priests to “become more holy, hence traditional, and abandon modernist tendencies” (Swatos 2002:182). The Shepherds of Christ Movement lists its ministries as including the Apostles of the Eucharistic Heart of Jesus, which pledges members to praying in front of the Blessed Sacrament for two hours each week; a “24 hour Adoration” located in China, Indiana, support for a nursing home; a “Consecration of Homes” for individuals and families; and a program to supply hand-made rosaries free-of-charge to Catholic schools (“Ministries n.d.)

 The Shepherds of Christ Ministries began leasing the bank building in 1998 and eventually purchased the 22,000-square-foot
center for more than two million dollars. The group began to refer to the building as “Our Lady of Clearwater.” On July 15, 1998 the daily message from Mary stated that “i wish a crucifix to be placed at the site near the main window beside my image. My eyes are always on my son Jesus crucified and my heart knows his resurrection from my dead“ (Desrochers 2007). The 18-foot crucifix was sculpted by Felix Avalos, was unveiled on December 18, 1998. The Shepherds subsequently opened a rosary factory in the building in 2000 and constructed a chapel for worship.

By 2002, however, public interest in the site had dramatically declined; the crucifix was covered due to weather-precipitated deterioration; the parking lot where pilgrims gathered was largely empty; the rosary factory was unable to support itself and closed; the group was not successful in supporting the site by selling tiles inscribed with the donor’s name. The partial destruction of the apparitional image in 2004 furthered weakened an already struggling apparitional site.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

One notable controversy surrounding the image at Clearwater is the source of the image itself. While Ring reported that the Virgin Mary authenticated her appearance two days after the initial sighting on December 17, 1996, a photograph taken in the building in 1994 reveals that the image had been present for some time and was only noticed when palm trees partially covering the window, were removed. Further, according to Posner, “any religious pilgrim, reporter, or casual visitor need only to walk around the building to note that the ‘Mary apparition’ is hardly the only such colorful image present. Indeed, iridescent staining of a similar nature is apparent around its circumference wherever exposed reflective glass was used, and is particularly vivid where vegetation and sprinkler heads are in close proximity to the glass. Along the low hedges, the stains appear to hover just above their tops; where the palms grow high, the stains follow” (1997:1). A local chemist examined the windows and suggested the stain was produced by water deposits combined with weathering, yielding a chemical reaction like that often seen on old bottles, perhaps due to the action of the water sprinkler. However, adherents to the divine nature of the image argue that what is miraculous about the image is not its origin, but the fact that “this combination of elements formed itself into this image, rather than, for example, an amorphous series of waves” (Swatos 2002).

The image has also drawn mixed reviews from visitors. For example, “I see the reflections, but I don’t see it,” said Carmen Rodriguez, 50, with a tinge of disappointment. “I think some people can see it and others not. Perhaps it’s based on necessity.” And, Eulalia Asencio, 29, expressed skepticism. She said she had carefully touched the window pane to see if air conditioning might have caused the image to appear. “It looks like when you get Windex and then you have that rainbow action going on,” Asencio said. “I really think it is the reflection of the light” (Garcia 2000). On the other hand, for most pilgrims the image provided a dramatic experience of divine presence, as evidenced by the enormous crowds, the gifts and prayer requests left at the shrine, and the testimonies of miracles. Barbara Harrison (1999:20), who was not Catholic, reported that when she arrived at the site “Awestruck crowds were staring up at the rainbow image of the Blessed Mother Mary. I was unprepared for the rush of emotions I experienced…. I was astonished, and the sanctity of the moment took my breath away.

There has been a modest level of tension between the Roman Catholic Church and Our Lady of Clearwater leaders. The Shepherdsof Christ Ministries presents itself as a lay Catholic organization but has no formal relationship to the church. Site representatives have taken care not to challenge Roman Catholic Church authority. For example, the group indicated that it would seek permission from the local diocese before constructing a chapel at the site. Father Carter has repeatedly stated that “I recognize and accept that the final authority regarding private revelations rests with the Holy See of Rome, to whose judgment I willingly submit” (“News” n.d.). The Catholic diocese of St. Petersburg has disavowed any connection to Shepherds of Christ and has called the image a “naturally explained phenomenon.” However, the diocese has not launched an investigation of the site and has not condemned it (“Clearwater Madonna Changes Hands” 1998; Tisch 2004:4). There have other criticisms from within the Catholic community that conclude the apparitions are not authentic (Conte 2006).

It is estimated that there have been 1,500,000 visitors to the Our Lady of Clearwater apparition site since 1996. Despite the sharp decline in both pilgrims and tourists to the Mary Image Building following the 2004 destruction of the image, the Shepherds of Christ Ministries has continued to hold recitations of Mary’s daily messages at the building. Transcripts of the messages have been posted on the Shepherds of Christ website as well as printed in the books published by the organization.”

REFERENCES

“About.” 2006. Shepherds of Christ Ministries. Accessed from http://www.sofc.org/ABOUT/abouthom.htm on 10 March 2013.

Carter, Edward. 2010. Tell My People: by Fr. Edward Carter, S.J. Accessed from http://deaconjohn1987.blogspot.com/2010/10/tell-my-people-by-fr-edward-carter-sj.html

” Clearwater Madonna Changes Hands.” 1998, July 11. Accessed from http://www.witchvox.com/media/mary_shrine.html on 10 March 2013.

Conte, Ronald. 2006. “Claims of Private Revelation: True or False? An Evaluation of the Messages of Rita Ring.” Catholic Planet. Accessed from http://www.catholicplanet.com/apparitions/false45.htm on 10 March 2013.

Desrochers, Claude. 2007. “Jesus and Mary in Clearwater, Florida.” JPG, 30 November. Accessed from http://jpgmag.com/stories/2033 on 10 March 2013.

Garcia Sandra Marquez. 2000. Mary `Appears’ Near Elian.” The Miami Herald, 26 March. Accessed from http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/elian/mary.htm on 10 March 2013.

Harris, Barbara. 1999. Conversations with Mary: Modern Miracles in an Everyday Life. Osprey, FL: Heron House Publishers.

“Ministries.” n.d. Shepherds of Christ Ministires. Accessed from http://www.sofc.org/ministries2.htm on 10 March 2013.

“News.” n.d. Shepherds of Christ Ministries. Accessed from http://www.sofc.org/news_1.htm on 8 March 2013.

O’Neil, Barbara. 2000. “Believers Hear: Make Rosaries,” St. Petersburg Times, 15 October. Accessed from http://www.sptimes.com/News/101500/NorthPinellas/Believers_hear__Make_.shtml on 5 March 2013.

Posner, Gary P. 1997. “ Tampa Bay’s Christmas 1996 ‘Virgin Mary Apparition’,” Tampa Bay Skeptics Report. Accessed from http://www.tampabayskeptics.org/v9n4rpt.html on 3 March 2013.

Shepherds of Christ Ministries. n.d. “Virgin Mary Tells Cincinnati Visionary Why Her Image Appears on FL Office Building.” Accessed from http://www.sofc.org/news_1.htm on 10 March 2013.

Swatos, William H., Jr. 2002 “Our Lady of Clearwater: Postmodern Traditionalism.” Pp. 181-92 in From Medieval Pilgrimage to Religious Tourism: The Social and Cultural Economics of Piety, edited by William H. Swatos, Jr. and Luigi Tomasi. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO.

Tisch, Chris. 2004. “For Mary’s Faithful, A Shattering Loss.” St. Petersburg Times, 2 March. Accessed from http://www.sptimes.com/2004/03/02/Tampabay/For_Mary_s_faithful__.shtml on 3 March 2013.

Trull, D. 1997. “The Virgin May Does Windows?” Accessed from http://dagmar.lunarpages.com/~parasc2/articles/0797/mary.htm on 3 March 2013.

Authors:
David G. Bromley
Leah Hott

Post Date:
11 March 2013

 

 

 

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Our Lady of Emmitsburg

OUR LADY OF EMMITSBURG

OUR LADY OF EMMITSBURG TIMELINE

1957 (March 12):  Gianna Talone was born in Phoenix, Arizona.

1987 (September):  Gianna dreamed of Our Lady three nights in a row, prompting her to pray the rosary and attend Mass daily.

1988 (June):  While making a pilgrimage to Medjugorje, Gianna received her first locution from Our Lady and had a vision of the Child Jesus.

1988 (July):  Gianna and eight other young adults at St. Maria Goretti Catholic Church in Scottsdale, Arizona began receiving locutions and visions of Our Lady and Jesus.

1989:  A priestly commission in Phoenix investigated the apparitions at St. Maria Goretti. Phoenix Bishop Thomas O’Brien allowed the prayer group to continue.

1989 (December 19):  Gianna began receiving daily apparitions of Our Lady, except on Fridays.

1993 (January):  Gianna Talone and then-fiancé Michael Sullivan made a pilgrimage to the Grotto of Our Lady of Lourdes in Emmitsburg, Maryland. Gianna received a vision during which Our Lady invited the couple to relocate to Emmitsburg.

1993 (November 1):  Gianna and Michael moved to the Emmitsburg area and began attending the Marian Prayer Group on Thursday nights. This was when she typically received an apparition with a public message. Attendance at the Thursday Marian Prayer Group swelled as news of the visionary spread.

1994 (August):  Mission of Mercy, a mobile health care organization serving poor, underinsured, and underserved patients, was launched by Drs. Gianna and Michael Sullivan in Pennsylvania and Maryland.

1995 (March 9):  In a message to Gianna, Our Lady designated Emmitsburg as the Center of her Immaculate Heart.

1995 (August 30):  Monsignor Jeremiah Kenney, Vice Chancellor of the Baltimore archdiocese, announced that since the Phoenix diocese had taken a neutral stance toward Gianna’s visions in 1989, Baltimore would follow suit.

1999:  Gianna began compiling The Hidden Life of Our Lord , the autobiography of the Child Jesus, narrated to her through interior locutions.

2000 (September 8):  The Baltimore archdiocese suspended the Thursday prayer meetings because it “finds no basis for [the apparitions]” (“Statement” 2000).

2001 (May):  Baltimore Archbishop Cardinal Keeler arranged a priestly commission to investigate the apparitions.

2002 (September):  The commission concluded that it could neither verify nor condemn the apparitions.

2003:  Cardinal Ratzinger, then-head of the Vatican Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, corresponded with Cardinal Keeler, supporting the Keeler Commission’s authority.

2004:  The Marian prayer group was reconstituted and began meeting monthly, first at a nearby farm, then at the Lynfield Event Complex, a conference center outside Frederick, Maryland.

2005:  The Foundation of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary was founded, in response to an Our Lady request, to provide information about the Emmitsburg apparitions and messages.

2005 (May):  Gianna began receiving interior locutions from God the Father.

2008 (Spring):  Fr. Edwin O’Brien was appointed Archbishop in Baltimore. Gianna wrote a letter to him informing him of the history of the apparitions in Emmitsburg and assuring him that she would comply with his wishes regarding the monthly prayer meetings held at the Lynfield Event Complex.

2008 (October 8):  Archbishop O’Brien released a Pastoral Advisory explaining the Church’s position on the Emmitsburg apparitions and requesting that Gianna and her supporters stop disseminating information about the apparitions and messages in the diocese of Baltimore.

2008 (October 13):  Gianna and her supporters discontinued the monthly prayer group at Lynfield.

2008-present:  Gianna has continued to report daily apparitions and locutions in her home.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Gianna’s miraculous interactions with Our Lady began in 1987, when she dreamed of Our Lady three nights in a row. These dreamscame at a low point in Gianna’s life. She had received her Doctor of Pharmacology degree, worked at a major hospital in a high-paying position, and married her first husband. Within a few years, however, she had lost her job, her marriage was annulled by the Church, and she was struggling with the direction of her life. Following her dreams of Our Lady, Gianna began praying the rosary, going to Confession, and attending Mass daily. In 1988, she made a pilgrimage to Medjugorje, where she had a vision of the Child Jesus. Our Lady also spoke to her during her trip through an interior locution, telling her, “I am coming home with you in a special way. Once you were a lost lamb but now you have been found.”

Once she returned home (at that time, she lived in Scottsdale, Arizona), she continued attending youth prayer group meetings at St. Maria Goretti Catholic Church. There, several young people as well as Father Jack Spaulding reported apparitions or locutions of Jesus and of Our Lady, appearing as Our Lady of Joy. These messages from Jesus have been published in six volumes of I Am Your Jesus of Mercy. In 1989, the diocese of Phoenix investigated the Scottsdale apparitions and took a neutral position on the matter.

In a November, 1992 vision, Our Lady pointed out Michael Sullivan to Gianna at a prayer meeting. Michael Sullivan, a medical doctor who had also struggled with his faith, had made a pilgrimage to Scottsdale and attended the same prayer meeting as Gianna. Like Gianna, Michael had had a successful career before experiencing spiritual and personal struggles including divorce and the abduction of a son. Though he was not a practicing Catholic at that time, he found himself praying the rosary and even making a pilgrimage to Medjugorje, where he volunteered as a doctor during the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. By the time he visited Scottsdale in 1992, he had become a much more committed Catholic. In a vision, Our Lady informed Gianna that Michael would be her future husband. Gianna gamely introduced herself to him following her apparition. They dated for about two months before becoming engaged.

In January, 1993, Gianna and then-fiancé Michael Sullivan made a pilgrimage to Emmitsburg, Maryland to visit the National ShrineGrotto of Our Lady of Lourdes. Now run by Mt. St. Mary’s University, the site centers upon a replica of the 1858 apparition site in Lourdes, France, and also features a Glass Chapel and visitor’s center. A walkway winds through Stations of the Cross and a Rosary Walk, ending at the foot of a large metal Crucifix atop a wooded hill. This is where Gianna received her first apparition in Emmitsburg. Our Lady, clothed in a blue dress and white veil, invited Gianna and Michael to move to the small town, if they were willing. They were given three days to make the decision, and returned home to Arizona to consider the invitation.

On June 19, 1993, Gianna and Michael married in Arizona, at St. Maria Goretti Church. At the time of their wedding ceremony, there was a severe thunderstorm in Emmitsburg, and lightning struck St. Joseph Catholic Church. The church lost electricity for three days, but the light illuminating the statue of Our Lady at the front of the church remained lit. Some Emmitsburg parishioners, upon learning that Gianna’s wedding ceremony coincided with this event, deemed it miraculous.

In November, 1993, Gianna and Michael moved to the Emmitsburg area and began attending Masses and a weekly Marian PrayerGroup at St. Joseph Catholic Church in Emmitsburg. Gianna received a vision at her first prayer meeting, surprising fellow devotees when she fell to her knees and began conversing with Our Lady. Father Alfred Pehrsson, C.M., the parish pastor she had met during her January visit to Emmitsburg, explained to parishioners what had happened and implored them to keep quiet about what they had seen so as not to call undue attention to Gianna or the prayer group. Nevertheless, attendance at the Thursday Marian Prayer Group grew as news of the visionary spread. As many as 1,000 visitors attended weekly (Gaul 2002), including several priests, bishops from other countries, and even non-Catholic visitors. Close to 700,000 people attended between 1994 and 2008 (G. Sullivan 2008). Church groups throughout the region organized bus trips to Emmitsburg, and many families drove several hours to spend the day visiting the town. The numbers of conversions and confessions increased, and Fr. Pehrsson even heard confessions from Jewish and Protestant attendees (Pehrsson n.d.). Many attendees reported miracles during the service: a spinning sun or two suns, healings, and once, the lights of heaven visible in Gianna’s eyes during ecstasy. Every week, several rows of pews were reserved at the church for parishioners, but others had to arrive before noon (for the 7 PM service) in order to find a seat. Overflow crowds were directed to the church rectory across the street, where a television screen was set up so that all could see Gianna. Problematically, crowds set up blankets and chairs on the lawn and cemetery surrounding the church, and parked illegally throughout the small town. In response, some Protestant churches in the area opened their parking lots to pilgrims.

Throughout the 1990s, there was little controversy between apparition believers and Church leaders. The Baltimore Archdiocese at this time took a neutral stance, supporting the outcome of the 1989 Phoenix investigations. Gianna continued to have daily apparitions of Our Lady, and even began receiving interior locutions from God the Father and from Jesus.

In September, 2000, however, the Archdiocese suspended the Thursday prayer meetings at St. Joseph Catholic Church, releasing a statement indicating that it “finds no basis for [the apparitions]” (“Statement” 2000). This move may have been prompted by an apparent shift in the tone of the messages; in the late 1990s, they began featuring warnings and predictions of chastisement. That Thursday in September, 2000, supporters found a sign taped to the door of St. Joseph Church indicating that the prayer meeting would not be held that day (Clarke 2008). Many attendees, including a bus of pilgrims who had just arrived from Ireland, were understandably disappointed. In the months that followed, many supporters wrote letters to Baltimore’s Cardinal Keeler and to local newspapers expressing their disappointment and confusion.

Cardinal Keeler arranged a priestly commission in Baltimore to investigate the apparitions in 2001. Supporters maintain that the
Commission was unfair to Gianna, spending very little time with her and prohibiting her supporters (including theologians) from speaking on her behalf. Gianna was permitted to answer only the questions posed to her by the Commission, rather than tell her whole story.

The Keeler Commission issued a decision in September, 2002, concluding that “it did not believe in the claim” that Gianna was receiving authentic visions of Our Lady because it “did not find the evidence it needed to verify or condemn the visions” (Lobianco 2002). The Commission expressed concern over the “apocalyptic” content of the messages, arguing that “we should not encourage apocalyptic predictions or cater to a miracle-mania mentality” (as quoted in Keeler 2002). The Commission was also concerned that it saw “no perceptible development or progression” of the messages; over time, it argued, they did not become more complex as believers presumably matured in faith, nor did they follow the liturgical cycle (as quoted in Keeler 2002). Further, the Commission concluded that some messages were contrary to Church teachings; for example, Gianna’s messages predict an intermediate and non-corporeal, spiritual return of Jesus to earth as a child prior to the actual final coming of Jesus as an adult and “Just Judge.” Church authorities seem to reject the notion of this intermediate coming. Finally, the Commission was skeptical of both the conversions reported as a result of Our Lady’s messages in Emmitsburg, as well as what it termed the “growing addiction to the spectacular” that it believed was happening in connection with the apparitions (as quoted in Keeler 2002). As a result of the Commission Report, Monsignor Kenney in Baltimore released a statement saying that the Archdiocese had concluded the apparitions were not supernatural. In addition, Cardinal Ratzinger, then-head of the Vatican Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, corresponded with Cardinal Keeler (though his letter was not released to the public at the time) supporting the Keeler Commission’s authority to “conclude the matter with a decree of ‘constat de non supernaturalitate’” (Ratzinger 2003).

Gianna and Michael Sullivan, in addition to several of their supporters, wrote letters to diocesan authorities questioning the validity of the Keeler Commission’s conclusions and asserting that the apparitions were indeed valid. Michael Sullivan published online a letter he had written to Cardinal Keeler, copying dozens of U.S. bishops, asking why the prayer group had been suspended in 2000 and expressing concern that the Keeler Commission had been misinformed about the content of the messages (M. Sullivan 2003). In a 2006 vision, Our Lady told Gianna that the Church’s decision about the apparitions came from the local level (Cardinal Keeler), not from Vatican authorities, so the decision therefore carried less weight than it would if it had come from higher authorities. As Gianna later pointed out, “Cardinal Ratzinger does not himself conclude [that the apparitions are not supernatural] and … allows the authority to rest at a local level, that being with Cardinal Keeler and not the Holy See” (2006). Cardinal Keeler, in response, released Cardinal Ratzinger’s letter and reiterated his stance that the apparitions were not supernatural.

Meanwhile, in 2004, supporters resurrected the Marian Prayer Group. Since 2000, they had not been permitted to hold these meetings on Church property, but they reasoned that they could hold meetings on private property, particularly if they did not hold Mass or offer Sacraments. The prayer group met at a nearby farm monthly, participants sometimes huddling in a barn during inclement weather. Later, the group moved to the Lynfield Event Complex, a conference center outside Frederick, Maryland thatcould hold larger crowds. As many as 1,000 people attended this prayer meeting some months, despite the absence of Mass and Sacraments. The prayer group became more formally organized during this time period, as a core group of volunteers video recorded Gianna during ecstasy and audio recorded the message, posted public messages to a website, handled donations for the conference center rental fees, compiled messages into book series, and handled the production of Our Lady of Emmitsburg statues, prayer cards, and pins. Two websites (Foundation for the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary and Private Revelations 12:1) were created to provide factual information and transcripts of messages.

During this time period, opposition to the apparitions from some local Catholics and diocesan leaders also grew. Another website, Cult Watch , took a negative view of the apparitions, supporters, and visionary. Father Kieran Kavanaugh, O.C.D., Gianna’s spiritual advisor, was silenced when Cardinal Keeler ordered Fr. Kavanaugh’s superior to temporarily restrict the priest from attending the monthly prayer meetings. Father Alfred Pehrsson, the parish priest at St. Joseph who had since been relocated to another parish, was also asked by his superiors not to speak about the Emmitsburg apparitions. Both men have remained reticent to speak about the Emmitsburg events.

In 2007, Fr. Edwin O’Brien was appointed Archbishop in Baltimore upon Cardinal Keeler’s resignation. With the change in leadership, Gianna wrote a letter to Archbishop O’Brien informing him of the history of the apparitions in Emmitsburg and assuring him that she would comply with his wishes regarding the monthly prayer meetings held at Lynfield. Archbishop O’Brien did not respond to Gianna’s letter directly, but instead released a Pastoral Advisory in 2008 repeating the Church’s position that the messages were not supernatural. While he admitted in the Pastoral Advisory that there is nothing necessarily sacrilegious about the messages, he asserted his view that the “alleged apparitions are not supernatural in origin” (O’Brien 2008). He further “strongly” cautioned Mrs. Gianna Talone-Sullivan not to communicate in any manner whatsoever, written or spoken, electronic or printed, personally or through another in any church, public oratory, chapel or any other place or locale, public or private, within the jurisdiction of the Archdiocese of Baltimore any information of any type related to or containing messages or locutions allegedly received from the Virgin Mother of God.

The Pastoral Advisory further warned Catholics against “participat[ing] in any activity surrounding these alleged apparitions or who seek to disseminate information and promote them here in the Archdiocese.” Archbishop O’Brien closed his letter by saying he wanted to “resolve the divisions created by this situation.”

Local supporters were outraged, many of them questioning whether Archbishop O’Brien overstepped his authority by attempting to regulate the activities of Catholics even off church property. Gianna, however, wrote to Archbishop O’Brien thanking him for “clarifying the many unresolved questions his predecessor [Cardinal Keeler] left unaddressed” (2003). She declared in her letter that she would no longer attend monthly prayer meetings at Lynfield and that she was neither affiliated with nor responsible for the activities of The Foundation of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary . In her letter, which she also published online, she urged her supporters to “heed the Bishop’s cautions.”

Gianna has continued to report daily apparitions and locutions in her home. The Foundation of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary and Private Revelations 12:1 still operate, compiling and interpreting previous Emmitsburg messages for online newsletters. In 2013, the newsletter of the Foundation was received by people in 54 U.S. states and territories and 145 nations. As of February, 2014, internet users from 188 countries have made over 9 million visits to the website of the Foundation.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Those who believe in the Emmitsburg apparitions have discerned by various means that the apparitions are legitimate. In interviews that I conducted with supporters in 2011 and 2012, many pointed out that Gianna was a “yuppie” with some wealth, an advanced degree in Pharmacology, and a job—in other words, with much to lose by claiming to receive apparitions. These individuals did not believe that Gianna would report seeing Our Lady and risk public scrutiny if it weren’t true. Gianna has even undergone testing twice while in ecstasy: once at the University of California, San Francisco Medical Center in 1993 under the supervision of Marian theologian Fr. René Laurentin, and again at Johns Hopkins University in 2003 by Dr. Ricardo Castañón. Both times, doctors determined that her brain scans were consistent with those of other visionaries in ecstasy. Detractors have accused Gianna of heading a “cult” or reveling in her fame. Some supporters, however, have been quick to point out that Gianna is merely a conduit of the divine.

Supporters can easily access several years’ worth of messages from Our Lady of Emmitsburg through the websites of The Foundation of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary and Private Revelations 12:1, and many individuals re-read those messages, finding new meanings each time. Some messages have garnered more attention than others. During my fieldwork in Emmitsburg from 2010 to 2013, I witnessed occasional conversations about those messages bearing warning of catastrophe. Two important examples are the June 1, 2008 message warning of “another body in orbit around your solar system” and destroying “60-70% of the world’s population,” and the December 31, 2004 message warning of the “earth being spun off its axis.” A few individuals in Emmitsburg speculated that the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in Japan, which NASA reports shifted the earth on its axis by four inches, fulfilled this prophecy.

Another common theme in the messages is that people should pray for priests and apostates. The September 15, 2003 message cautions: “The Church will always stand because of my Son, but what is in jeopardy are the souls of many of my priest s, my Bishops and my Cardinals who will have to atone and who will be held accountable for misleading the flock.” A common refrain for priests and lay Catholics, however, is to pray for them. The August 31, 1995 message is typical: “Pray for Mercy, little children, and desire Love and forgiveness for all people.”

Given the opposition from certain local priests to the Emmitsburg apparitions, supporters have also been heartened by Our Lady’smany messages assuring them that she is not leaving Emmitsburg. The February 5, 2006 message, for instance, assures listeners that Emmitsburg is the Center of Our Lady’s Immaculate Heart despite opposition from some Church leaders, then continues, “Know that I am not leaving and that I intercede for all good things for you before the Throne of God.” The October 5, 2008 message (just before the Pastoral Advisory was released) repeats this theme: “know that I am here with you. I am not leaving , even if you think I am far away.”

Supporters hold a variety of opinions about the Archdiocesan stance on the apparitions. While most all supporters have obeyed the spirit of the Pastoral Advisory by not holding prayer meetings and not speaking about the apparitions unless asked, many have continued to question the authority of Archbishop O’Brien to prohibit prayer meetings that convene on property not belonging to the Catholic Church. Further, many supporters adhere to the Church teaching on private revelation, that believers may “ welcome in these revelations whatever constitutes an authentic call of Christ or his saints to the Church” (“Catechism” 1.1.2.67). In Emmitsburg, many individuals reason that nothing in the messages conflicts with Church teaching, scripture, or tradition, and thus they are free to believe in them. They believe that the Keeler Commission, which concluded that apocalyptic teachings were troubling and that the messages about the return of the Child Jesus in an intermediate spiritual reign prior to the actual Final Coming contradicted Church teaching, was misinformed.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Due to prohibitions, practices relating to the Emmitsburg apparitions have changed greatly over time. Prior to September 2000, St. Joseph Catholic Church in Emmitsburg hosted a Marian Prayer Group in the church every Thursday. Pilgrims from around the world would attend the 8:30 AM weekday Mass, followed by private prayer and afternoon Confession. Many would visit the National Shrine Grotto of Lourdes, National Shrine of Elizabeth Ann Seton, and other sites in town. The prayer service was held in the evening, featuring Mass, Rosary prayers, and a healing service. Devotees often stayed until late in the evening.

From 2004-2008, the prayer group met monthly to pray the Rosary. These services did not occur on Church property, did not feature Mass, and did not offer Sacraments. Nevertheless, they attracted hundreds of pilgrims.

Now that the prayer group has been disbanded, the Foundation of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary is encouraging supporters to hold monthly Marian Days of Prayer in their own homes. There is no way to measure how many people are involved in this endeavor, but in my time in Emmitsburg, I have never heard of anyone organizing a prayer group specifically for the Marian Day of Prayer. I have, however, spoken to several people who incorporate Our Lady of Emmitsburg into their daily devotions. They may mention her name during a Litany (“Our Lady of Emmitsburg, Pray for Us”), carry prayer cards with her image, or keep statues of her in their homes. Many people continue to read Our Lady of Emmitsburg messages, since many of them are accessible via websites and printed books. The Foundation and Private Revelations 12:1 compile messages and interpretations in electronic newsletters that are distributed worldwide. The newsletter of the Foundation was distributed in 54 U.S. states and territories and 145 nations in 2013.

Additionally, many supporters were and continue to be active in their local parishes, attending Mass frequently, visiting the Grotto regularly, praying the Rosary and other prayers, and reading books about the lives of the saints. In general, Emmitsburg believers in the apparitions tend to fall in line with other conservative Catholics in terms of their attitudes toward social and political issues and Church authority. Like many “highly committed” Catholics, many individuals support their Church’s opposition to birth control, abortion, and same sex marriage (D’Antonio 2011; D’Antonio, Dillon & Gautier 2013; Dillon 2011a, 2011b); to be sure, many of the Emmitsburg messages take a conservative stance on these issues.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Prior to the 2008 Pastoral Advisory, a network of volunteers organized the prayer group and the dissemination of messages. Tasks included videotaping Gianna during her vision, transcribing the messages, maintaining websites, collecting donations for the conference center rental (from 2004 to 2008), managing crowds of attendees, and leading Rosary prayers during services.

The Foundation was established to be, and remains, an important depository of information about the apparitions. Private Revelations 12:1 is another helpful source of historical information. Both organizations maintain websites easily accessible by any internet search engine, the Foundation of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary and Private Revelations of Our Lady of Emmitsburg . Both organizations officially are located in Pennsylvania and are thus outside the jurisdiction of the Baltimore Archdiocese and its prohibitions. Notably, Gianna disavowed any involvement with The Foundation in her 2008 response to the Pastoral Advisory.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

The major challenge in Emmitsburg is the Church’s position on the apparitions. Some parish priests remain adamantly opposed to them, and there is some anecdotal evidence of animosity between certain parish priests and apparition supporters in Emmitsburg. Some local lay Catholics also oppose the apparitions, so much so that supporters frequently censor themselves in the presence of certain individuals. Cult Watch occasionally posts new articles deriding the apparitions and visionary.

Following the termination of the monthly prayer meeting at Lynfield, the unofficial hub for apparition supporters was St. Peter’s Bookstore, an Emmitsburg bookstore and coffee house that had been founded as a service to Our Lady of Emmitsburg to serve as a repository of information about the apparitions. St. Peter’s offered book compilations of messages, knowledgeable employees and owners willing to share information about the apparitions, an inviting seating area conducive to discussing the apparitions, and other Catholic items. The business had been quite successful while the prayer group still met near Emmitsburg, even organizing a major lecture series, and was a favorite hangout for local Catholics and Catholic pilgrims visiting the Grotto. Many supporters, therefore, were disappointed when St. Peter’s went out of business in 2012.

With the appointment of Archbishop Lori in Baltimore in 2012, some individuals hoped that the Archdiocese would ease its prohibition on a Marian Prayer Group in Emmitsburg. No formal restrictions have been placed on Gianna in the Archdiocese since Archbishop O’Brien left Baltimore. There has been some interest in organizing a Marian prayer group that would not include Gianna’s visions and messages, and some of the Daughters of Charity at the Basilica have organized a few such meetings. As for the apparitions, there is currently no way to measure how many people continue to believe and to support them, since the prayer group has not been permitted to convene since 2008. While supporters are hopeful that Church leaders will reverse their decision about the Emmitsburg apparitions, many speculate that the apparitions will be approved only when Gianna’s visions and locutions cease, or through divine intervention.

REFERENCES

Catechism of the Catholic Church. 1993. Accessed from www.vatican.va/archive/ENG0015/_INDEX.HTM on 13 February 2014.

Clarke, Paul A. 2008. The last word? Frederick News Post , December 14, Local News section. Accessed from www.fredericknewspost.com on 13 March 2010.

D’Antonio, William V., Michele Dillon, and Mary Gautier. 2013. American Catholics in Transition. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

D’Antonio, William V. 2011. “New Survey Offers Portrait of U.S. Catholics.” National Catholic Reporter , October 24. Accessed from http://ncronline.org/AmericanCatholics on 14 January 2012.

Dillon, Michele. 2011a. “Trends in Catholic Commitment Stable over Time.” National Catholic Reporter . October 24. Accessed from http://ncronline.org/AmericanCatholics on 14 January 2012.

Dillon, Michele. 2011b. “What is Core to American Catholics in 2011.” National Catholic Reporter , October 24. Accessed from http://ncronline.org/AmericanCatholics on 14 January 2012.

Eck, Larry and Mary Sue. 1992. “Jesus, I Trust in Thee: An Interview with Michael Sullivan, MD.” Medjugorje Magazine, July-August-September, 17-27.

Faricy, Robert, SJ and Rooney, Lucy, SND de N. 1991. Our Lady Comes to Scottsdale: Is It Authentic? Milford, OH: The Riehle Foundation.

Fortney, Sarah. 2007. “The Voices of Faith.” Frederick News Post , January 8, Local News section. Accessed from www.fredericknewspost.com on 13 March 2010.

Foundation of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary. n.d. “Messages of Our Lady of Emmitsburg.” Accessed from www.centeroftheimmaculateheart.org on 13 February 2014.

Gaul, Christopher. 2003. “Vatican Supports Action to Suppress Visionary. Accessed from www.archbalt.org/news/crsullivan.cfm on 13 March 2010.

Gaul, Christopher. 2002. “We Do Not Believe in the Apparitions.” Accessed from www.emmitsburg.net/cult_watch/news_reports/we_do_not_believe.htm on 13 March 2010.

Gaul, Christopher. 1995. “Brief History of St. Joseph’s Church.” The Catholic Review , November 1.

Keeler, William Cardinal. 2002. “Letter to Fr. O’Connor,” December 5. Accessed from www.emmitsburg.net/cult_watch/commission_report.htm on 12 June 2012.

Keeler, William Cardinal. 2003. “Decree,” June 7. Accessed from archbalt.org/news.upload/SullivanDecree.pdf on 19 March 2010.

Kenney, Rev. Msgr. Jeremiah F. 2002. “Letter to Gianna Talone-Sullivan,” September 24.

Lobianco, Tom. 2002. “Church Takes Neutral Stance on Apparitions. Frederick News Post , December 8, Local News section. Accessed from www.fredericknewspost.com on 13 March 2010.

Moving Heart Foundation. n.d. “Background.” Accessed from http://www.movingheartfoundation.com/Background.htm on 3 February 2014.

O’Brien, Archbishop Edwin. 2008. “Pastoral Advisory,” October 8. Accessed from www.archbalt.org/news/upload/Pastoral_Advisory.pdf on 21 May 2010.

O’Brien, Archbishop Edwin. 2002. “Letter to Father O’Connor,” December 5. Accessed from www.emmitsburg.net/cult_watch/commission_report.htm on 13 March 2010.

Pehrsson, Fr. Al C.M. n.d. “Our Lady of Emmitsburg: Testimony 1993-2006.” Audio CD distributed by Foundation of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary.

Ratzinger, Cardinal Joseph. 2003. “Letter to Cardinal Keeler,” February 15. Accessed from www.archbalt.org/news/upload/decreeRatzinger.pdf on 21 May 2010.

“Statement Concerning the Alleged Apparitions to Gianna Talone-Sullivan in Emmitsburg.” 2000. Accessed from http://www.tfsih.com/Misc/Unsigned%20Decree_09-08-00.pdf on 30 January 2014.

Sullivan, Gianna. 2008. “Letter.” Accessed from www.emmitsburg.net/cult_watch/rm/GiannaPastoralAdvisoryResponse.pdf on 21 May 2010.

Sullivan, Gianna. 2006. “Letter.” Accessed from www.pdtsigns.com/giannaupdate.html on 21 May 2010.

Sullivan, Michael. 2003. “Letter.” Accessed from www.emmitsburg.net/cult_watch/rm/Sullivan_rebuttal.pdf on 21 May, 2010.

Author:
Jill Krebs

Post Date:
23 February 2014

 

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Phoebe Palmer

 

PHOEBE PALMER TIMELINE

1807 (December 18):  Phoebe Worrall was born in New York City to Dorothea Wade Worrall and Henry Worrall.

1827 (September 28):  Phoebe Worrall married Walter Palmer.

1836 (February 9):  The first Tuesday Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness met at the Palmer home.

1837 (July 26):  Phoebe Palmer experienced holiness.

1838:  Phoebe Palmer began speaking at camp meetings.

1839:  Phoebe Palmer became the first woman to lead a Methodist class composed of both men and women in New York City.

1840:  Phoebe Palmer assumed the leadership of the Tuesday Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness.

1840:  Phoebe Palmer began traveling to surrounding states to preach at revivals and camp meetings.

1843:  Phoebe Palmer published The Way of Holiness with Notes by the Way: Being a Narrative of Religious Experiences Resulting from a Determination to Be a Bible Christian.

1845:  Phoebe Palmer published Entire Devotion to God.

1848:  Phoebe Palmer published Faith and Its Effects.

1850:  Phoebe Palmer played a prominent role in establishing the Five Points Mission in New York City.

1853:  Phoebe Palmer traveled to Canada to preach at her first camp meeting there.

1857:  Phoebe Palmer conducted a revival in Hamilton, Ontario.

1859:  Phoebe Palmer published The Promise of the Father; or, A Neglected Specialty of the Last Days.

1859–1863:  Walter Palmer traveled with Phoebe Palmer to conduct revival services throughout the British Isles.

1864:  The Palmers bought Guide to Holiness magazine and Phoebe Palmer became editor.

1866:  Phoebe Palmer published Four Years in the Old World: Comprising the Travels, Incidents, and Evangelistic Labors of Dr. and Mrs. Walter Palmer in England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales.

1866–1870:  Phoebe Palmer extended her ministry by holding services throughout the United States and Canada.

1874 (November 2):  Phoebe Palmer died.

BIOGRAPHY

Phoebe Worrall [Image at right] was born into a devout Methodist household on December 18, 1807. Her family lived in New York City, which became her lifetime home. Due to regular church attendance and family devotions, Phoebe was religious from an early age and was never able to pinpoint the exact moment of her conversion. She married Walter Palmer on September 28, 1827. They had six children, three of whom lived to adulthood. The Palmers were active laypeople in the Methodist Episcopal Church and participated in numerous charitable activities. Both taught Sunday school classes. In 1839, Phoebe Palmer became the first woman to lead a class of both women and men in New York City.

Between 1827 and 1837, Phoebe sought the experience of holiness, which is the second work of grace following conversion, which is the first work of grace. John Wesley (1703–1791), the founder of Methodism, promoted holiness as an experience where Christians became “dead unto sin” and pure within. Those who had experienced holiness manifested God’s love in their hearts. Palmer attributed her protracted ten-year quest for holiness to the fact that she was never able to affirm the witness of the Holy Spirit, which Wesley had maintained was the basis for claiming holiness. Partly based on her own experience, Palmer developed a “shorter way” to holiness, which involved consecration and faith followed by testimony. She also incorporated a redefinition of the witness of the Holy Spirit. Following her “shorter way,” Palmer dated her experience of holiness to July 26, 1837.

In the midst of Phoebe Palmer’s search for holiness her sister, Sarah Worrall Lankford, had been instrumental in establishing the Tuesday Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness in 1836, which evolved from Methodist women’s prayer meetings. The Tuesday Meeting was held in the home that the Palmers and the Lankfords shared. When the Lankfords moved in 1840, Palmer replaced Sarah as leader of the Tuesday Meeting. She continued in this role for the rest of her life whenever she was in New York City. The Palmers moved twice to larger homes to accommodate the crowds, which often exceeded 300 people. Initially restricted to Methodist women, the meeting grew into a multi-denominational gathering that included men.

Palmer initiated her public ministry in 1839. By the next year, she was traveling to surrounding states preaching at revivals in
churches and at camp meetings [Image at right], which generally were held outdoors in more rural areas. The content of her sermons was the same regardless of the location. Palmer did not ignore the goal of bringing sinners to Christ through sermons, which was historically the focus of revivals, but her emphasis was on holiness. By 1853 her schedule included Canada. Her labors there in 1857 resulted in more than 2,000 conversions and hundreds of Christians who claimed the baptism of the Holy Ghost or holiness (Palmer 1859:259). Her ministry there contributed to the general Prayer Revival of 1857–1858, which resulted in more than 2,000,000 converts in the United States and the British Isles. Between 1859 and 1863, Palmer preached at fifty-nine locations throughout the British Isles (White 1986:241–42). At one meeting in Sunderland, 3,000 attended her services held over a period of twenty-nine days, with some people turned away. She reported 2,000 seekers there, including approximately 200 who experienced holiness under her preaching (Wheatley 1881:355, 356). Between 1866 and 1870 she held services throughout the United States and eastern Canada (Raser 1987:69–70). At a camp meeting in Goderich, Canada in 1868, about 6,000 gathered to hear her preach (Wheatley 1881:445, 415). Palmer continued to accept preaching engagements until shortly before her death. Overall, she preached before hundreds of thousands of people at more than 300 camp meetings and revivals.

Palmer’s husband was supportive of Phoebe Palmer’s ministry from the outset and he was not troubled by her greater reputation. Walter Palmer gave up his medical practice in 1859 to travel with her full-time. He often assisted in services by reading Scripture and commenting on the text.

Palmer authored numerous articles and several books that concentrated on her theology of holiness. She wrote from her own experience and included examples from the experiences of others. Her books included Entire Devotion to God (1845) and Faith and Its Effects (1848). The Palmers purchased Guide to Holiness magazine in 1848 and Phoebe edited it from then until her death in 1874. It reached a considerable circulation of approximately 40,000 (Raser 1987:3).

TEACHINGS/DOCTRINES

As a Methodist layperson, Phoebe Palmer affirmed the theology of her denomination. She did not offer an elaboration of Methodist doctrines other than holiness, which was the focus of her writing and preaching ministry. Palmer utilized numerous synonyms for holiness, such as sanctification, full salvation, promise of the Father, entire consecration, and perfect love. Her first book, The Way of Holiness with Notes by the Way (1843), [Image at right] was her spiritual autobiography that provided a roadmap for achieving holiness. Based on her own pursuit of holiness she explained a “shorter way,” which consisted of three steps: consecration, followed by faith, and then testimony.

Entire consecration required that the seeker after holiness symbolically sacrifice everything to God, including possessions and relationships, on the altar, which she identified as Christ. She drew on Matthew 23:19 (“the altar sanctified the gift,” KJV) and Exodus 29:37 (“Whatsoever toucheth the altar shall be holy,KJV) to validate this conviction. “Altar” phraseology became associated with Phoebe Palmer and is her “best-known contribution” (White 1986:22).

The second step on the way of holiness was faith. According to Palmer, since the Bible promised that God would receive the sacrifice that had been laid symbolically on the altar, the seeker’s responsibility was to accept holiness by faith. Palmer emphasized that this act was “taking God at His word” (Palmer 1843, 28), which resulted immediately in holiness. Recounting her own experience in the third person, Phoebe Palmer reported that as soon as she expressed faith in God’s ability to make her holy, “The Lord…led her astonished soul directly into the ‘way of holiness’” (Palmer 1843:22). Further, relying on her experience, Palmer declared that an emotional confirmation of the witness of the Holy Spirit did not have to accompany the act of faith. Lack of emotion had been a barrier that had prevented her from claiming holiness during her extended pursuit. While most advocates of holiness, following John Wesley, spoke of the witness of the Holy Spirit that verified the act of holiness, Palmer claimed that this was unnecessary. Palmer taught that seekers should rely instead on God’s promise as recorded in the Bible: “He that believeth, hath the witness in himself” (quoting from I John 5:10, Palmer 1848:152). According to Palmer, God imparts holiness instantaneously following the act of faith.

The third step on the way of holiness was testimony. Palmer maintained that sanctified individuals must publicly declare that they had experienced holiness or risk losing it. This requirement thrust many women into speaking at mixed gatherings of women and men, which was highly unusual at the time.

The “shorter way” reflects the Arminian theology of Wesleyanism. Illustrating the Arminian affirmation of free will, Palmer encouraged individuals to pursue holiness actively by laying their all on the altar. Consecration was a human action. Palmer referred to herself and others as co-workers with God. God consecrated the offering and acknowledged the seeker’s faith by imparting holiness. Neither God nor humans acted alone.

While focusing on the “shorter way” as the means of achieving holiness, Palmer also affirmed Wesley’s understanding of the consequences of obtaining holiness. Holiness removed inbred sin, which is the sinful nature that persists despite conversion. Being dead unto sin resulted in a clean heart or inward purity. Palmer and most other holiness adherents also advocated outward purity. Palmer shunned worldly behavior, which included anything that would hinder entire consecration to God. Attending plays or reading novels qualified as worldly activities that should be avoided. Drinking alcoholic beverages constituted worldliness as well. Palmer also opposed wearing jewelry or fashionable clothing.

The emphasis on love as an expression of holiness also had a dual dimension. While love of God was utmost, Palmer and other holiness believers engaged in activities that exhibited God’s love to those around them. This expression of social Christianity motivated by God’s love has become known as social holiness. It reflected Palmer’s emphasis on the responsibility of holiness adherents to be useful. Her ministry in the slums of New York City modeled social holiness. A notable example was her prominent role in founding the Five Points Mission in 1850 in lower Manhattan where the worst slums in New York City converged. Committed to addressing both the spiritual and physical needs of the neighborhood’s inhabitants, the Mission became one of the first settlement houses in the United States with a chapel, schoolrooms, and housing for twenty families (Raser 1987, 217).

Palmer also associated power with the experience of holiness, stating succinctly that “holiness is power” (Palmer 1859:206). She acquired her understanding of empowerment from the account of Pentecost in Acts 1–2 of the Bible. Palmer’s emphasis on power contributed to her affirmation of women preachers since at Pentecost the power of the Holy Spirit fell on both men and women and they began preaching in the streets of Jerusalem. Palmer justified her own ministry and affirmed the calling of other women preachers in her book, The Promise of the Father; or, a Neglected Specialty of the Last Days (1859). Her comprehensive argument extended to 421 pages. She derived her title from Jesus’ admonition to his followers to wait in Jerusalem for the promise of the Father (Acts 1:4–5, 8). The fulfillment of the promise was the baptism of the Holy Spirit and its accompanying power. Palmer maintained that the power displayed at Pentecost was not restricted to the first Christians, but was available to subsequent generations of Christians through the baptism of the Holy Spirit, another term she used to indicate the experience of holiness. Palmer referenced this supernatural power by incorporating other synonyms, such as the gift of power, baptism of fire, and Pentecostal flame, throughout Promise of the Father.

Palmer reminded her readers frequently that the preaching at Pentecost was a fulfillment of Joel’s prophecy in the Hebrew Bible. Joel had declared God’s promise: “I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh; and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy” (Joel 2:28, KJV). Utilizing other Bible verses, she established that “prophesying” was a synonym for “preaching.” She addressed the two passages in the Bible (1 Cor. 14:34 and 1 Tim. 2:11–12) that opponents used to try to prohibit women from preaching and quickly dismissed them, illustrating their irrelevance to the argument against women preachers. She countered with numerous verses that condoned women’s preaching and listed women mentioned in the Bible who engaged in public ministry. She concluded there was no biblical basis for excluding women from ministry. She sprinkled quotations throughout Promise of the Father from prominent Christian scholars and clergy who agreed with her. She devoted a significant portion of the book to providing examples of women throughout history who were preachers. This included contemporaries of John Wesley. He had gradually come to the conclusion that he should affirm and encourage women to preach. His decision was based primarily on pragmatic grounds, because listeners responded to the preaching of women. Palmer never extended her argument to include women’s ordination. The Methodist Episcopal Church, along with most other denominations, refused to ordain women at the time. She relied on prophetic authority bestowed by the Holy Spirit rather than priestly authority conferred by ecclesiastical credentials at ordination. She invoked Acts 5:29, “We must obey God rather than man,” to cement her case (Palmer 1859:160, 359). Prophetic authority superseded human jurisdiction.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

The Tuesday Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness was Palmer’s signature religious activity. It was informal in nature, but there were several expectations. Even though clergy and bishops were often in attendance, they were not permitted to lead or monopolize the meetings. An unusual characteristic of these meetings was that women spoke even when men began to attend. In that time period, women generally were expected to remain silent both in religious gatherings or any other public places where both men and women were present. The format of the Tuesday Meeting consisted of introductory comments, singing, prayer, and a short comment on a Bible passage. Participants shared their testimonies of holiness for the majority of the time. Near the conclusion of the meeting, others who came in search of holiness were often given the opportunity to pray, following Palmer’s shorter way in their efforts to experience holiness.

LEADERSHIP

Scholars agree that Palmer played a primary role in popularizing the doctrine of holiness during the nineteenth century. Thousands responded to her plea to seek salvation or holiness. Her writings spread the theology of holiness far beyond her physical presence. The Tuesday Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness was so popular that more than 300 similar gatherings had been established around the world by the end of the nineteenth century.

Palmer has been called the mother of the Wesleyan/Holiness movement whose defining doctrine is holiness. Her distinctive means of achieving holiness became the standard for Wesleyan/Holiness groups and denominations such as the Free Methodist Church, the Church of the Nazarene, and the Church of God (Anderson, IN). While some individuals left the Methodist Episcopal Church, believing it had abandoned the doctrine of holiness, Palmer never advocated separating from it. One prominent Wesleyan/Holiness organization was the National Campmeeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness founded in 1867. While Palmer was not a leader of the group, it was her theology of holiness that defined it.

Palmer’s example inspired women to follow in her footsteps and become preachers. One of the most prominent examples was Catherine Mumford Booth, who co-founded The Salvation Army. Opposition that Palmer faced while preaching in England motivated Booth to publish Female Ministry in 1859 and to begin her own ministry. Most Wesleyan/Holiness churches carried Palmer’s argument for women’s public lay ministry to the next step and ordained hundreds of women during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Palmer’s own denomination, then known as the Methodist Episcopal Church, did not grant full ordination to women until 1956.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Palmer faced opposition to her preaching because she was a woman, but she did not dwell on personal challenges to her ministry based on her sex. She never discussed her decision not to seek ordination, but, more than likely, she realized her request would be denied and her opportunities for lay ministry would have been curtailed as a result of her application.

Several critics, up to the present, have attempted to make the case that Palmer opposed even the preaching of laywomen. They quote her comment, “preach we do not,” without considering the following phrase, “that is, not in a technical sense,” which she defined as “dividing and subdividing with metaphysical hair-splittings in theology” (Wheatley 1881:614). It was a specific style of preaching that she rejected for women. Instead, Palmer engaged in narrative preaching in which she shared her religious experience and the experiences of others. Promise of the Father, as well as her evangelistic work, further undermine the false perception that Palmer sought to prohibit women from preaching.

Contemporaries also debate the extent of Palmer’s feminism. Those arguing against her feminism do not take into account all of her statements. Palmer did admit that she did not write Promise of the Father to promote women’s rights. But, while she claimed to condone the nineteenth-century constrictions of “woman’s sphere,” her affirmation of women preachers stretched its boundaries. She also expanded her argument to allow for exceptions in that she maintained that women could sometimes hold leadership positions in government (Palmer 1859:1–2).

The primary challenge that Palmer faced was criticism of her doctrine of holiness, which began during her lifetime and persists to this day. Opponents focused on her explanation of the means of holiness (the ”shorter way”) rather than on her understanding of holiness itself. Her detractors claimed that some of her views deviated from John Wesley’s theology, maintaining that she incorporated unique elements into her theology of holiness. Palmer claimed that her beliefs were biblical and that they corresponded with Wesley’s theology. She would have been more accurate had she expanded her list of those who influenced her to include Hester Ann Rogers (1756–1794) and John Fletcher (1729–1785), Wesley’s colleagues who also contributed to her theology. By taking this broader perspective, everything that Palmer advocated had already been expressed by Methodist predecessors.

Palmer’s opponents challenged several components of her theology, including her emphasis on altar terminology, her use of Pentecostal language, and her understanding of the witness of the Spirit. Wesley did not incorporate the altar into his theology of holiness. While many contend that Palmer’s use of the altar to symbolize consecration is her unique contribution to holiness doctrine, Palmer discovered this concept in Rogers’ writings and popularized Rogers’ altar theology. Palmer’s incorporation of Pentecost as a model for holiness and adoption of Pentecostal language such as “baptism of the Holy Spirit” can be traced to both Rogers and Fletcher. Likewise, these two individuals deviated from Wesley’s theology of the witness of the Spirit. According to Wesley, one needed to wait for the internal confirmation by the Holy Spirit with its accompanying emotion before claiming the experience of holiness. Contrary to Wesley, however, Rogers and Fletcher claimed emotion was not always present when holiness occurred, but took place when the seeker demonstrated faith in the biblical promise of holiness. There was no need to wait, hence the name “shorter way.” While Phoebe Palmer’s detractors have been correct in pointing out her departures from Wesley, they erred in assuming these innovations were original to her.

IMAGES:
Image #1: Photograph of Phoebe Palmer, evangelist and author, who often is referred to as the mother of the Wesleyan/Holiness movement.
Image #2: Drawing of a typical Methodist camp meeting. Image taken from Wikimedia at https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Main_Page.
Image #3: Photograph of the cover of The Way of Holiness with Notes by the Way. Image taken from the Open Library at https://openlibrary.org/.
Image #4: Sketch of the Five Points Mission House.

REFERENCES

 Palmer, Phoebe. 1865. Four Years in the Old World: Comprising the Travels, Incidents, and Evangelistic Labors of Dr. and Mrs. Walter Palmer in England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales. New York: Foster and Palmer, Jr.

Palmer, Phoebe. 1859. The Promise of the Father; or, A Neglected Specialty of the Last Days. Facsimile edition. Salem, OH: Schmul, n.d.

Palmer, Phoebe. 1848. Faith and Its Effects: or Fragments from My Portfolio. Facsimile edition. Salem, OH: Schmul, 1999.

Palmer, Phoebe. 1845. Entire Devotion to God. Originally published as Present to My Christian Friend on Entire Devotion to God. Facsimile edition. Salem, OH: Schmul, 1979.

Palmer, Phoebe. 1843. The Way of Holiness with Notes by the Way: Being a Narrative of Religious Experience Resulting from a Determination to Be a Bible Christian. Facsimile edition. Salem, OH: Schmul, 1988.

Raser, Harold E. 1987. Phoebe Palmer: Her Life and Thought. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press.

Stanley, Susie C. 2002. Holy Boldness: Women Preachers’ Autobiographies and the Sanctified Self. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.

Wheatley, Richard. 1881. The Life and Letters of Mrs. Phoebe Palmer. Facsimile edition. New York: Garland, 1984.

White, Charles Edward. 1986. The Beauty of Holiness: Phoebe Palmer as Theologian, Revivalist, Feminist, and Humanitarian. Grand Rapids: Francis Asbury Press of Zondervan Publishing House.

Post Date:
6 April 2016

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Kateri Tekakwitha and Saint Kateri’s Shrine

Kateri Tekakwitha and Saint Kateri’s Shrine

KATERI’S SHRINE TIMELINE

1656:  Catherine Tegahkouïta [hereafter Kateri Tekakwitha ] was born in a Mohawk village near present day Auriesville, New York.

1667 or 1668:  St. Francis Xavier Mission was founded by Pierre Raffeix, S. J., in the seigneurie of La Prairie de la Madeleine, or Kentake, on the Eastern bank of the St Lawrence, South of Montreal.

1673:  Led by Jesuits, about forty Christian Mohawks reached the mission coming from Kaghnuwage, on the Mohawk River in the colony of New York.

1676:  Kateri reached the mission that was then moved to Sault Saint Louis. The village was named Coghnawaga (or Caughnawaga).

1680:  Kateri Tekakwitha died.

1680:  The French King granted the Sault Saint Louis seigneurie to the Jesuits for the settlement of the Christianized Iroquois; the Jesuits owned it until 1762 when France lost possession of North America.

1684:  Kateri’s body was removed from the cemetery and brought into the church of Côte Sainte-Catherine.

1716:  The mission, which had moved several times, permanently settled at its present site.

1720:  When the church was built, Kateri’s remains were placed there in a sealed glass box.

1831:  Under the supervision of Fr. Joseph Marcoux and Fr. Félix Martin, S.J., the mission was renovated to include a new sacristy, a new tower and steeple.

1845 (May 19):  Construction began for the current church.

1943:  Kateri was declared Venerable.

1972:  Kateri’s relics were relocated into a tomb in the right transept of the church.

1980:  In 1980, Catherine Tegahkouïta was formally renamed Kateri Tekakwitha. She is also known as Lily of the Mohawks.

1980:  Kateri was beatified by Pope John Paul II in Rome.

1983:  The church was declared Kateri’s Canadian shrine.

2012 (October 21):  Kateri was canonized by Pope Benedict XVI in Rome.

HISTORY

Kateri Tekakwitha was born in 1656 at Gandaougué, a Mohawk village, near present day Auriesville in New York State. Her father was Iroquois, her mother was Algonquin and had been baptized by the French. When Kateri was four, smallpox killed her mother, father and brother; marked her face forever; and damaged her eyesight. Thereafter, she had to continuously bend forward to

protect herself from all light, and even to wear a blanket over her head. She was adopted by her uncle, and she helped her family with daily chores but liked to remain solitary. When she came of age to be married, she refused all proposals, much to the surprise of her people for whom celibacy and virginity had no value.

At some point, Father Lamberville, S.J., visited her village where he met her. He later said how surprised he had been to encounter such a young person who had so much knowledge of Christianity. Kateri soon asked to be baptized and spent the whole winter studying with other Natives. More rapidly than was the Jesuits’ custom, she was baptized as Catherine on Easter Day in 1676, at the age of twenty.

She later fled with her brother-in-law and a friend to reach the mission on the St. Lawrence. The positive transformations she could see among the neophytes convinced her to dedicate her whole life to Christ. She would work and spend the rest of the day in prayer. She constantly inflicted macerations upon her body. At the end of the week, she reviewed all the sins and imperfections she had committed in order to erase them in the sacrament of penance. She was allowed to take Holy Communion for the first time on Christmas day, whereas neophytes normally had to wait several years for this privilege. Kateri besought her confessor to let her marry Jesus, that is, to become a nun. On the day of Annunciation she pronounced her vows after the Eucharist.

Soon after, her asceticism aggravating her physical frailty, she fell sick. She declined rapidly on Good Tuesday 1680, and the next day at three in the afternoon she entered a gentle agony and passed away at the age of twenty-four. Her confessor reported that her face underwent a transfiguration and that the smallpox scars disappeared altogether (See C hauchetière 1696 and Cholenec 1717 for biographical details of Kateri’s life).

In 1684, Kateri’s body was removed from the cemetery and brought into the church of Côte Sainte-Catherine. Some of her relics subsequently were taken to Mission St. Regis in Akwesasne in 1755 where most were lost. The Tekakwitha Conference holds one of the few remaining relics.

From the day Father Lamberville noted her extraordinary qualities and recommended her to Father Cholenec at the mission until 2011, many worked for the official recognition of her holiness. Her cause was introduced 204 years after her death; it took 127 years to succeed.

On December 6, 1884, the American bishops meeting for their Third Plenary Council in Baltimore sent letters of petition on behalf of the See of Albany to introduce her cause and that of the martyred Jesuits, Isaac Jogues and René Goupil. In 1885, twenty-seven Indian tribes from Canada and the United States followed suit and sent letters of petition. The process was somewhat unusual since the only diocese that can ask for the introduction of a cause is the one where the person died, which in this case was the See of Montreal. Father Molinari, S.J., was her Postulator General in Rome.

The first stage of her canonization was reached in 1943 when she was pronounced Venerable (Positio 1938). Thanks to the new evangelization policy of John-Paul II, who decided to grant saints to all the social and ethnic groups deprived of them, she was beatified in 1980. A first class miracle was expected before the canonization could proceed. In 2006, one finally occurred near Seattle thanks to specific prayers to Blessed Kateri and contact of the terminally ill child with her relic.

The College of Doctors who report to the Congregation for the Cause of Saints found that “in the current state of scientific knowledge” there was no medical explanation for the cure. The theologians concluded that the boy had been healed through miraculous intercession. On December 19, 2011, the Holy Father authorized the promulgation of the decree recognizing the miracle attributed to the intercession of Kateri Tekakwitha. On October 21, 2012, her canonization was celebrated in Rome by Pope Benedict XVI in front of thousands of North American Native Catholics. Since 2012, more visitors have been coming to the shrine which is regarded as a pilgrimage center.

DOCTRINES/RITUALS

The doctrines and ceremonies at the shrine follow the Roman Catholic canon, with some marks of inculturation. For example, the Our Father is prayed in Mohawk. Because the church itself is ancient, it has not been altered to accommodate more Native cultural elements as can be seen in more recent churches.

Mass is celebrated on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and on Sundays; it is followed by Anointing with Saint Kateri’s oil. Eucharistic Adoration and Benediction are performed the last Sunday of each month. Daily silent prayer at the tomb of St. Kateri is held in the afternoon. Anointing with Saint Kateri’s relic is performed every Tuesday and Wednesday, as well as on Sundays.

On April 14, St. Kateri Feast Day, the celebration includes a procession with the diocese bishop to Saint Kateri’s tomb immediately after mass and veneration of the relic of Saint Kateri Tekakwitha. Eucharistic adoration and benediction follow in the afternoon.

For the second anniversary of Kateri’s canonization, the shrine organized a candle-light procession with the Statue of Saint Kateri Tekakwitha around the Church on October 20, 2014. The procession was followed by the testimonies of a person healed by the intercessory prayers to Saint Kateri. The ceremony concluded with the Our Father in the Mohawk language. The exact anniversary, October 21, began with the Eucharistic celebration; Ron Boyer narrated “The life of Saint Kateri Tekakwitha.” Eucharistic Adoration and Benediction followed. In the afternoon, the Anointing with Saint Kateri’s relic and Blessed oil was offered, and the day closed on Our Father prayed in Mohawk.

The Prayer to Saint Kateri Tekakwitha is as follows (with permission of the Ordinary of Saint-Jean-Longueuil. August, 2012):

Saint Kateri Tekakwitha, our elder sister in the Lord, discreetly, you watch over us;

May your love for Jesus and Mary inspire in us words and deeds of friendship, of forgiveness and of reconciliation.

Pray that God will give us the courage, the boldness and the strength to build a world of justice and peace among ourselves and among all nations.

Help us, as you did, to encounter the Creator God present in the very depths of nature, and so become witnesses of Life.

With you, we praise the Father, the Son and the Spirit. Amen.

Holy founders of the Church in North America. Pray for us.

The Prayer of Thanksgiving for Kateri Tekakwitha is as follows (with permission of the Ordinary of Saint-Jean-Longueuil. August, 2012):

God our Father, Whom Kateri Tekakwitha liked to call the Great Spirit,

We thank you for having given us this young woman as a model of Christian life.

Despite her frailness and her community’s resistance, she bore witness to the presence of Christ.

With her companions, she drew close to the elderly and to the sick.

Every day, she saw in nature a reflection of your own glory and beauty.

Grant that by her intercession we may always be close to you, more sensitive to the needs of those around us, and more respectful of creation. With her, we shall strive to discover what pleases you and endeavour to accomplish it until that day you call us back to you.  Amen!

ORGANIZATION

The mission complex includes the west wing; the rectory; the security vault; the museum and the sacristy; and the small grounds where a cemetery must have been. All of the buildings were constructed with grey Montreal stone. The old bell donated by King William IV of England stands on the left lawn on the street side. The Kateri Center, located in a nearby house, publishes the quarterly Kateri and administers all the activitites at the sanctuary.

The church looks like old French Breton country churches. The inside is a graceful combination of simplicity, with its white walls, and of neo-baroque statues and paintings typical of churches in Quebec.

Kateri is represented in a statue on the main altar by Médard Bourgault (1941) and on the right side of the church in a 1981 statue by Leo Arbour, placed behind her tomb. She is also portrayed in a stained glass window above it. Another statue, painted red, adorns a niche in the outside walls above the date of construction, 1845. Her rectangular white Carrara marble tomb bears the inscription: “Kaiatanoron Kateri Tekakwitha, 1656-1680”. Kaiatanoron means “blessed, precious and dear.”

In the passage way to the museum, left of the altar, one finds an intriguing sculpture that evokes the specialty of Mohawk men as sky scraper construction workers and binds the sanctuary to the recent history of North America: it is a replica of the Twin Towers made by Donald Angus with the molten steel he extracted from the ruins of 9/11 when he helped the firemen recover bodies. He had been part of the Mohawk team that had built the towers and he wanted the victims to be remembered in this sanctuary (personal research information). Among various artifacts, the museum displays the earliest known oil painting (1690) of Kateri by Father Claude Chauchetiere S. J., her spiritual director.

The mission is located on the Mohawk or Kanien’kehá:ka reservation of Kahnawake (8,000 people) that lies on 48 km 2 on the Eastern bank of the Saint Lawrence Seaway, South West of Montreal, at the level of the Lachine rapids. The St. Lawrence Seaway passes right behind the sanctuary.

The mission complex belongs to the Diocese of Saint-Jean-Longueuil. It was run by Jesuit fathers for a large part of its history. In 1783, following the suppression of their Society (1773), they stopped operating it and were replaced by Oblates of Mary Immaculate. The Jesuits returned in 1903, and the Sisters of St-Ann came to help in 1915. In 2003, though they were intimately bonded to Kateri’s cause, the Jesuits stopped operating the shrine because they were unable to staff it adequately. Father Alvaro Salazar from Guatemala was appointed parish priest. In 2013, he was replaced by Fr. Vincent Esprit, F.M.I. (Fils de Marie Immaculée). The priests are helped by Deacon Ron Boyer (Ojibway), who also acted as Vice Postulator of Kateri’s cause between 2007 and 2011.

Since Kateri Tekekawitha is a bi-national saint, she is remembered also in two shrines within the United States: Fonda, New York, where she was baptized, and also at the Shrine of Our Lady of Martyrs in Auriesville, New York.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

St. Francis Xavier Mission can be seen as a tiny Catholic island in a sea of traditionalist and Protestant Mohawks. In the early decades of conquest, being the allies of the British, the Iroquois were mostly evangelized by Protestant missionaries, and when New France became part of the British Empire, many Catholic Mohawks joined various Protestant denominations. This trend is also visible in their speaking English even though the reservation is located within French speaking Quebec. When in conflict with the Quebec authorities and police forces, they make a point of not speaking French as a sign of resistance (as occurred during the Oka Crisis that in 1990 involved Kahnawake and the Mercier Bridge that straddles part of it). Even if everything in the shrine is bilingual, it is connected historically to the French period of colonization and may have suffered from this.

Furthermore, in Kahnawake, as in other Indigenous lands, many people practice only their traditional tribal ceremonies. The Long Houses where Iroquois rituals are performed are numerous on the reservation. Thus, the number of regular worshipers at St. Francis church had decreased over the years (in fact with the same ratio as within the Catholic churches in the whole of Quebec). Now, with the crowning of Kateri’s cause, the number of visitors and of worshippers is increasing. This improvement in the life of the mission is attested in the better health of the finances as well.

Apart from Kahnawake and Akwesasne, the nearby Mohawk reservation, and from some indigenous parishes across Canada, before the 1990s, Kateri was far less known in Canada than in the U.S. In the U.S., a very active organization (the Tekakwitha Conference, directed since 1998 by a Mohawk sister from Akwesasne, Sister Kateri Mitchell, S.S.A.) has promoted her cause and networked American Native Catholics for decades.

REFERENCES

Chauchetière , Claude. 1887. Vie de la Bienheureuse Catherine Tegakouïta dite à présent la saincte Iroquoise (1696). Manhattan: Cramoisy Press of John Gilmary Shea.

Cholenec, Pierre. 1717. La vie de Catherine Tegakouïta Première Vierge Iroquoise . Manuscrit conservé par les Hospitalières de Saint Augustin à Québec. Lettre publiée dans Lettres édifiantes et curieuses écrites des missions étrangères. Paris.

Positio. 1938. Romae : Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis. 1940: Universitatis Gregorianae. Shortened English version: 1940 : The Positio of the Historical Section of the Sacred Congregation of Rites on the Introduction of the Cause for Beatification and Canonization and on the Virtues of the Servant of God, Katharine Tekakwitha, the Lily of the Mohawks. Being the Original Document First Published at the Vatican Polyglot Press Now Done Into English and Presented for the Edification of the Faithful. New York: Fordham University Press.

Rigal-Cellard. Bernadette. 2010. “Native American Religion: Roman Catholicism.” Pp. 2041-44 in Religions of the World: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia of Beliefs and Practices. 6 vols., edited by J. Gordon Melton and Martin Baumann. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio.

SUPPLEMENTARY RESOURCES 

Greer, Allan. 2005. Mohawk Saint: Catherine Tekakwitha and the Jesuits. New York: Oxford University Press.

Greer, Allan and Jodi Bilinkoff, eds. 2003. Colonial Saints: Discovering the Holy in the Americas. New York: Routledge.

Holmes, Paula Elizabeth. 2000.  Symbol Tales: Paths Towards the Creation of a Saint. PhD dissertation. Hamilton, Ontario: Université MacMaster.

Post Date:
2 December 2014

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Missionaries of Charity

MISSIONARIES OF CHARITY TIMELINE

1910 (August 26):  Agnes Gonxha Bojaxhiu was born in Skopje, Macedonia.

1919:  Nikola Bojaxhui, Agnes Gonxha’s father, died under suspicious circumstances.

1928:  Bojaxhiu joined the Loreto Sisters of Dublin.

1929:  Gonxha began her novitiate in Darjeeling, India. She also began teaching at St. Mary’s High School in Calcutta.

1931:  Gonxha took her first vows, and the name “Teresa,” for the patron saint of missionaries.

1937:  Gonxha, now Mary Teresa, took her final vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience and also took the name “Mother.”

1946 (September 10):  Mother Teresa received a call from God to work with the “poorest of the poor.”

1948:  Mother Teresa became a citizen of India and underwent brief but crucial medical training to further her work.

1950:  Mother Teresa received permission from the Vatican to establish a new religious order, the Missionaries of Charity.

1953:  The first novitiates of the Missionaries of Charity took their first vows.

1963:  The Missionaries of Charity Brothers was established.

1965:  Mother Teresa received the Decree of Praise from Pope John Paul VI.

1969:  The Co-Workers became officially affiliated with the Missionaries of Charity.

1979:  Mother Teresa received the Nobel Peace Prize.

1983:  Mother Teresa suffered her first heart attack, in Rome.

1989:  After Mother Teresa suffered a second heart attack, a pace maker was implanted.

1997 (September 5):  Mother Teresa died after a third heart attack, this time in Calcutta, India. Sister Nirmala was elected to succeed Mother Teresa.

2009:  Sister Mary Prema succeeded Sister Mirmala Joshi as head of Missionaries of Charity.

2017 (September 6):  Mother Teresa and St. Francis Xavier were named co-patrons of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Calcutta.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Mother Teresa was born Agnes Gonxha Bojaxhiu, August 26, 1910, in Skopje, Macedonia, in what was part of the Ottoman Empire. The day after her birth, when she was baptized into the Roman Catholic faith, became the day she later came to recognize as her true birthday. Her father, Nikola, who was an Albanian, a local politician and advocate for Albanian independence, died unexpectedly when Agnes was eight, possibly a result of politically motivated poisoning. Her mother, Drana, who is described as a compassionate and generous woman despite the poverty of her own family, dedicated herself to raising her children as devout Roman Catholics. She emphasized the lesson that one should always help others before helping themselves (Greene 2008:6).

Agnes was twelve years old when, on a yearly pilgrimage to the Chapel of the Black Madonna, she reports having felt a “calling” to live her life for God and service to others. After a childhood and adolescence spent devoted to church activities, including singing, playing the mandolin, participating in a youth group, as well as teaching the catechism to younger members, in 1928, at eighteen years old, Agnes left her home to join the Loreto Sisters of Dublin. She first travelled to France to be interviewed, and when found suitable, was sent her to Ireland where she learned English and took the name “Mary Teresa,” for Saint Therese of Lisieux, the patron saint of missions (Greene 2008:17-18). In 1929, during her novitiate period, she was sent to Calcutta, India, to teach at St. Mary’s High School for Girls. During her time as a novice, she learned Bengali and Hindi, taught geography and history, and took her initial vows in 1931. When she took her final vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience in 1937, she also took the name “Mother,” to precede Teresa, as is the custom in the order of the Loreto Sisters.

Mother Teresa continued to teach at St. Mary’s High School for Girls until she was made principal in 1944. Her experience at the school gave her a vivid, personal perspective on the poverty around her, and in 1946 on a train from Calcutta to Darjeeling, she received a “call within a call,” from Christ, who told her to leave the school and work with the “poorest of the poor,” those destitute, desperate, and alone. According to her account of the experience, God told her that she was as unworthy as any, and needed a woman like her to help the helpless and hopeless. In light of her vow of obedience to God and the Roman Catholic Church, Mother Teresa was unable to take up this calling until it was approved by the Vatican almost two years later (Van Biema 2007). She then became an Indian citizen in order to be able to receive some medical training in Calcutta. A few months later, Mother Teresa was living and working with the destitute.

By 1950, after working in the slums of Calcutta, establishing an open-air school for children, aiding in the education of impoverished adults, and opening a home for the dying, Mother Teresa had garnered financial as well as local community support. She obtained permission from the Vatican to start her own order with twelve other women who were either former students or teachers at St. Mary’s High School for Girls in Calcutta. They came to be called “Missionaries of Charity,” and were known for taking a fourth vow. After vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, the sisters of this new order also vowed to “give whole-hearted and free service to the poorest of the poor” (Greene 2008:48). Pope John Paul VI awarded Missionaries of Charity the Decree of Praise in 1965, which allowed the order to expand internationally. With the help of organized lay people and lay faithful, called Co-Workers, Missionaries of Charity opened over 600 hospices, schools, counseling services, medical care facilities, homeless shelters, orphanages, and programs for alcoholism and addiction in more than 120 countries by 1997. The Missionaries succeeded in reaching countries in six of the seven continents with their aid.

After multiple hospitalizations and heart problems during her last ten years, Mother Teresa suffered a heart attack and died in Calcutta on September 5, 1997 as a result of heart, kidney, and lung complications. Sister Nirmala was elected to succeed Mother Teresa and served as head of the Missionaries of Charity until 2009 when Sister Mary Prema assumed leadership of the Missionaries. Mother Teresa’s successors continue to assert as the the Missionaries’ mission providing free relief to those most in need (Greene 2008:139).

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

As an order of the Roman Catholic Church, the Missionaries of Charity follow the doctrines and beliefs of the Church. Like many other Catholic orders, the Missionaries of Charity believe in self discipline and sacrifice, the renunciation of the outside world, and the seniority of the Pope (Johnson 2011a:58-84).In addition to generic Roman Catholic doctrine and doctrines of other renunciate orders, the Missionaries of Charity take a fourth vow, to wholeheartedly serve the poorest of the poor. It is not the goal of the Missionaries of Charity to correct what they may see as social ills, but rather to work with those that suffer on account of these ills, and to experience God’s love through service and their own poverty (Greene 2008:54-55). The daily rituals and traditions of the Missionaries of Charity are many, designed to ensure that no time is spent in frivolity. The Missionaries also believe that they should avoid temptation when out in the world; to do this, the Sisters are expected to keep “custody of the senses,” or avoid seeing, hearing, or touching anything unnecessary (Johnson 2011a, 2011b).

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Like the Roman Catholic Church in which Mother Teresa was raised, The Missionaries of Charity follow the core rituals that distinguish Catholicism from other Christian faiths, as well as their own traditions that distinguish themselves from the over-arching Roman Catholic faith. The four traditions most central to the Catholic Church are the celebration of the Eucharist, the prayers of the Rosary, Confession and Absolution.

The Eucharist, or Holy Communion, is celebrated during each Catholic mass. Bread (or wafer) and wine are used to represent the body and blood of Christ and presented to the clergy, those who have otherwise devoted themselves to the Church, and then the laity that have been confirmed within the Catholic Church. It is believed that during this time of communion, transubstantiation occurs, a change of the bread and wine to the true body and blood of Christ. This tradition is a recreation of the biblical Last Supper of Christ with his disciples.

The Rosary beads are used for prayer. Each bead is distinguished by repetitive grouping to represent specific prayers, Our Father, Hail Mary, or Glory Be. This repetition of prayer, facilitated by the pattern of the Rosary, is used for prayer and meditation on Mysteries of Christ, as well as for penance as recommended after confession.

The Sacrament of Reconciliation, or Confession, is a time during which clergy, those who have given their lives to the church, and laity, or the penitents, are given a chance to individually confess their sins to a priest. After the penitent confesses and expresses sorrow for his or her sins, the priest may offer an act of contrition, which may include praying the rosary or another act to benefit the community or attempt to right harm done. After the confession is heard, the priest offers Absolution, or releases the penitent of the guilt of his or her sin. Among many other daily rituals and traditions, the Missionaries of Charity pray the Act of Contrition nightly.

Other rituals distinct from the rest of the Catholic Church are two celebrations- Society Feast and Inspiration Day. Society Feast, held on August 22 of every year, is a celebration of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, their patroness. Inspiration Day, celebrated yearly on September 10, is the anniversary of the day that Mother Teresa received her call to work whole heartedly with the poorest of the poor. Another yearly tradition is an eight-day retreat. In addition to silent rest and renewal, the retreat is overseen by a priest who offers daily talks and general confession (Johnson 2011a, 2011b).

Chapter of Faults is a monthly practice during which The Missionaries of Charity come together to confess and ask forgiveness for any faults they have committed over the course of the month. Each sister kneels, one by one, kisses the floor, confesses her faults, and kisses the floor again. Another tradition observed monthly is known as “renewal of permission.” Each sister kneels privately before her superior, kisses the floor, confesses her faults, and asks permission for the use of material goods. In addition to the Chapter of Faults, the Sisters also perform public penance for their sins. This might include begging for a meal then eating it kneeling, touching one’s forehead to the feet of each sister, kissing the footsteps of one’s fellow Sisters, or reciting the Paters. Once a week, the Sisters observe a “day in,” a time for rest and community gathering. During this day in gathering, reflections, apostolic work, and instructions of the superior are shared within the community. Once a month, a day in is dedicated to a silent day of recollection.

In daily corporal penance, the Sisters wear spiked chains around their waists and upper arms for at least an hour. The Sisters also engage in spiritual reading from books approved by the superiors of the Order, individually, or communally while others work. Otherwise, the Sisters work and live in silence except during meals and brief recreation time. This is meant to allow each Sister time to commune with God. The Missionaries of Charity make their own rosaries, and pray them daily, even when walking through the streets or taking part in daily chores.

Every morning and night, the superior blesses each Sister by putting her hands on each one of their heads, and saying “God bless you in blue par sari.” After waking each morning, the Sisters devote an hour to Morning Prayer, which includes prayers vocally recited from a book specific to the Order. The Sisters also practice meditation, inspired by St. Ignatius, during which they visualize themselves in a scene from the Gospel. This meditation, preceded by a short prayer for inspiration, lasts about a half hour. After meditation, the sisters vocally recite a prayer to the Virgin Mary and then St. Ignatius’ prayer called the Suscipe. Before each meal, the Sisters recite Grace as a community, and three times a day, in call and response form, along with the ringing of a bell, they recite Angelus, a traditional prayer in remembrance of the exchange between the angel Gabriel and the Virgin Mary. Throughout the day, the Sisters recite parts of the Little Office of the Immaculate Conception, praising Mary. An hour every day is spent in adoration of and monstrance before the Eucharist, and prayers are said before and after Communion.

Just as their form of meditation is modeled after that of St. Ignatius, the Sisters also borrow from his tradition in an examination of the conscience, or the examen. Twice a day, the Sisters visit the chapel to reflect silently on the time spent since the last examen, and then reflect upon a specific virtue to practice or vice to avoid that the Sister has chosen as a focus for months or years. The day’s first examination of the conscience is a part of Midday Prayer, during which time the Sisters gather at the Chapel and pray together before or after lunch. In the evening, the Sisters recognize a time called Vespers. This Evening Prayer is part of the Liturgy of the Hours, including psalms and the Magnificat. The Sisters revisit the chapel after dinner to pray, and there is a night prayer during which individual examen takes place again, and the Sisters participate in vocal prayers. The Sisters recite the Paters before retiring to bed, which includes Act of Contrition, Our Fathers, Hail Marys, and Glory Be. Finally, the Sisters end their nights in Grand Silence, which does not end until the next morning’s mass (Johnson 2011a, 2011b).

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

The Missionaries of Charity began with twelve members. In 1963, a corresponding
group to the Sisters, The Missionary of Charity Brothers, was established. Three years later Fr. Ian Travers-Ball (Brother Andrew), a Jesuit priest from Australia assumed leadership of the Brothers and headed the group for the first twenty years of its history. Contemplative branches of the Missionaries of Charity, sisters and brothers, were established in 1976 and 1979, respectively, and are devoted to prayer, penance and service. Daily routine in the contemplative branches involves substantial time devoted to prayer, spiritual reading, and silence. The Corpus Christi Movement for Priests was formed in 1981, after expressions of interest by a number of priests. Finally, in 1984, Mother Teresa co-founded the Missionaries of Charity Fathers with Friar Joseph Langford. Other organizations affiliated with the Missionaries of Charity include The Co-Workers of Mother Teresa, The Sick and Suffering Co-Workers, and The Lay Missionaries of Charity (Greene 2008:140).

As the “foundress” of the Missionaries of Charity, Mother Teresa was Superior General until shortly before her death. The Superior General is elected by the Chapter General, which includes elected and appointed members. Every six years the Chapter General meets to review and evaluate the work of the Missionaries. The appointed members of the Chapter General include Superior General, Ex-Superiors General, Counselors General, and Regional Superiors. Elected members include representatives from every region covered, and representatives of Sisters in charge of formation (Johnson 2011a, 2011b). Sisters are expected to respect decisions of their superiors as result of prayer, and therefore these decisions are seen as the word of God. The Superior General oversees the active and contemplative Missionaries of Charity, Roman Catholics who not only take vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, but also “wholehearted and free service to the poorest of the poor.” The remaining three branches have their own hierarchy and Superior Generals.

To become a Sister of the Missionaries of Charity, the first six months are spent in aspirancy, both working and studying to further their commitment and understanding of the order. Following the period of aspirancy there is one year of postulancy, which also includes working and studying, and, for the first time, wearing of a white sari. The year of postulancy is followed by two years as a novitiate, the first including full days of prayer and study and the second including working and studying. The final novitiate period lasts six years, during which the novitiate takes temporary vows of chastity, poverty, obedience, and the wholehearted and free service to the poorest of the poor. The novitiate then begins wearing a white sari with a blue border. The novitiate works in the missions, is referred to as junior Sister, and takes her vows yearly. By the sixth year, the novitiate wears a blue sari and takes her final vows (Johnson 2011a, 2011b).

By the time of Mother Teresa’s death in 2007, the Missionaries of Charity had grown to five thousand sisters, nearly five hundred brothers, and over 600 missions, charitable organizations, shelters, and schools in over 120 countries.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

The Missionaries of Charity, and Mother Teresa personally, have received both adulation and criticism. Criticisms of the Mothers of Charity and Mother Teresa have included the revelation of her long period of loss of faith even while she was presenting herself a doing God’s work, allegations of accepting donations from disreputable sources and accumulating massive funds in foundation bank accounts rather than expending them to assist the poor. The various criticisms notwithstanding, Mother Teresa has become a revered figure by world figures and ordinary individuals of all faiths around the world.

Mother Teresa’s crisis of faith became public as a result of personal letters, published posthumously in 2003. This crisis apparently began in the mid-1940s when she was working in the Calcutta slums and establishing Missionaries of Charity. According to the letters, this crisis of faith continued throughout the remainder of her life, even as she worked in response to her “call within a call.” Mother Teresa likened her lack of faith, her feeling of abandonment by Christ, to hell. At times, even as she worked in the name of God, she reported having doubted his existence. Though Mother Teresa asked for the letters containing these admissions to be destroyed, her confessors and superiors did not honor her wish, and they were published in Mother Teresa: Come Be My Light (Van Biema 2007). In one letter to Rev. Michael Van Der Peet in September, 1979 she stated that “Jesus has a very special love for you. As for me, the silence and the emptiness is so great that I look and do not see, listen and do not hear” (Van Biema 2007). The possibility that her career might be interpreted as hypocritical did not escape her, and she described her half of a century working without faith as in some ways “torture.”

A second controversy that has followed the Missionaries of Charity is their funding sources and use of charitable contributions. Mother Teresa reportedly received funding for her causes from disreputable sources, including Haiti’s Duvalier family and Charles Keating, the central figure in “The Keating Five” scandal that involved allegations of illicit protection of Keating by five United States Senators during the 1980s Savings and Loan crisis. The Missionaries of Charity has also been accused of allowing and ignoring squalid conditions to persist at Charity supported facilities, such as hospices and orphanages, while refusing to make public accountings of their expenditures of funds to support these facilities (Hitchens 1995). As one critic reported, “The donations rolled in and were deposited in the bank, but they had no effect on our ascetic lives and very little effect on the lives of the poor we were trying to help” (Shields 1998). Another critic has alleged that homes for the dying run by the Missionaries of Charity are known for having a lack of doctors to properly diagnose patients’ illnesses, using previously used or unsanitary hypodermic needles, refusing to administer pain killers to those in excruciating pain, and otherwise relying on outdated and dangerous medical practices (Fox 1994). An undercover volunteer authored reports of abusive treatment of children; he reports having seen children bound, force-fed, and left outside at night during monsoon rains (MacIntyre 2005). In addition to criticism from the medical personnel and investigative journalists, former co-workers and former Sisters in the Missionaries of Charity, including Colette Livermore (2008), have written similar accounts of the poor treatment of the suffering the Sisters were ostensibly committed to helping. According to Fox (1994), the Missionaries of Charity justify what would appear to be the furthering of suffering of the needy, abandoned, and afflicted, as reflecting Mother Teresa’s teaching that suffering brings one closer to Jesus. She allegedly has equated the suffering of man with that of Christ and therefore a gift. This “theology of suffering,” has caused the disillusionment among a number of former co-workers and Sisters (Livermore 2008), and caused skepticism about the organizations commitment to the fourth vow of “wholehearted and free service to the poorest of the poor.”

A final controversy has been whether Mother Teresa was deserving of beatification and canonization and whether the process was being handled in a fair and rigorous way or being unduly promoted by the Vatican in response to Mother Teresa’s enormous popularity. While the Vatican traditionally cannot begin the beatification process until five years after the candidate’s death, the Holy See, governed by Pope John Paul II, started the process in 1997. She was beatified in 2003, making her known to the Catholic community as “Blessed” Mother Teresa. The Holy See also abandoned the process of adversarial investigation, a process to critically explore her extraordinary work. Two miracles, involving the personal intercession of Mother Teresa, are also required as part of the process of consideration for sainthood. There is currently only one claim of a miracle, made by a Bengali woman who maintains that she was miraculously healed after holding a locket with a picture of Mother Teresa to her abdomen. However, this one claim is contested as both the woman’s husband and the attending physician insist that the woman’s cysts were cured after nearly a year of medication and treatment (Rohde 2003).

Though there are those who claim that Mother Teresa’s legacy of service is not as charitable as her champions view them, it is clear that through her world-wide efforts
and organizations, she has become a prominent and much loved figure in India, the Catholic community, and all over the world. In 1971, Mother Teresa received the Nobel Peace Prize for “bringing help to suffering humanity.” She was also awarded honors such as India’s Padma Shri and the Jawajarlal Nehru Award for International Understanding, England’s Order of Merit, the Gold Medal of the Soviet Peace Committee, the United States Congressional Gold Medal, along with over a hundred other awards, including honorary degrees from a number of other countries and organizations for her endeavors with Missionaries of Charity. Perhaps the most impressive indicator of widespread respect for Mother Teresa is that she was ranked first in the United States’ 1999 Gallup Poll’s List of Most Widely Admired People of the 20 th Century, ahead of luminaries such as Martin Luther King, Albert Einstein, and Pope John Paul II.

REFERENCES

Fox, Robin. 1994. “Mother Teresa’s Care for the Dying.” The Lancet 344 (8925): 807.

Greene, Meg. 2008. Mother Teresa: A Biography. Mumbai, India: Jaico Publishing House.

Hitchens, Christopher. 1995. The Missionary Position. London: Verso.

Johnson, Mary. 2011a. An Unquenchable Thirst: Following Mother Teresa in Search of Love, Service, and an Authentic Life. New York: Spiegel and Grau.

Johnson, Mary. 2011b. “More About the MCs.” 2011. Accessed from http://www.maryjohnson.co/more-about-the-mcs/ on 10 December 2012.

Livermore, Colette. 2008. “KERA’s Think Podcast: Leaving Mother Teresa, Losing Faith, and Searching for Meaning.” 15 December 2008. Accessed from http://www.podcast.com/I-451506.htm on 12 December 2012.

MacIntyre, Donal. 2005. “The Squalid Truth Behind the Legacy of Mother Teresa.” NewStatesman. 22 August 2005. Accessed from http://www.newstatesman.com/node/151370 on 12 December 2012.

Rohde, David. 2003. “Her Legacy: Acceptance And Doubts Of a Miracle.” The New York Times. 20 October 2003. Accessed from http://www.nytimes.com/2003/10/20/world/her-legacy-acceptance-and-doubts-of-a-miracle.html on 15 December 2012.

Sheilds, Susan. 1998. “Mother Teresa’s House of Illusions: How She Harmed Her Helpers As Well As Those They ‘Helped’.” Free Inquiry Magazine Accessed from http://www.secularhumanism.org/library/fi/shields_18_1.html on 10 December 10 2012.

“Sister Nirmala: Mother Teresa Successor Passes Away.” BBC, Accessed from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-33234989 on 10 July 2015.

Van Biema, David. 2007. “Mother Teresa’s Crisis of Faith,” TIME, 23 August 2007. Accessed from http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1655720,00.html on 10 December 2012.

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3 January 2012

 

 

 

 

 

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Lois Roden

LOIS RODEN TIMELINE

1916 (August 1):  Lois Irene Scott was born in Stone County, Montana.

1937 (February 12):  Lois and Ben Roden married.

1940:  Lois and Ben Roden became members of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in Kilgore, Texas.

1945:  The Rodens visited the Davidians’ Mount Carmel Center, near Waco, Texas, and were disfellowshipped by their local Seventh-day Adventist Church.

1955:  Ben Roden announced Branch Davidian teachings .

1962:  The Rodens moved to Mount Carmel and established the Branch Davidian community there.

1977:  Lois had a vision that the Holy Spirit is feminine. She became co-prophet of the Branch Davidians with her husband until his death.

1978:  Ben Roden died and Lois assumed full leadership of the Branch Davidians.

1980:  Lois published a new journal, SHEkinah, to promote her views.

1983:  Lois lost authority to David Koresh who won majority support among the Branch Davidians.

1986 (November 10):  Lois Roden died; she was buried in Israel.

BIOGRAPHY

Lois Irene Scott [Image at right] was born in Stone County, Montana, August 1, 1916. She married Benjamin L. Roden on February 12, 1937. They  had six children (George, Benjamin, Jr., John, Jane, Sammy and Rebecca) (Newport 2006 :117). The Rodens joined a Seventh-day Adventist church at Kilgore, Texas in 1940. They were fully committed to the teachings of the Seventh-day Adventist prophet Ellen Harmon White (1826-1915) concerning the imminent Endtime events and return of Christ as well as the need to observe the seventh-day sabbath (Saturday).

In 1945, Lois and Ben Roden made contact with the Davidian Seventh-day Adventists (Newport 2006 :118), led by their prophet, Victor Houteff (1885-1955). The Davidians were living in community on property named Mount Carmel in Waco, Texas. Disfellowshipped by their Seventh-day Adventist church in Kilgore, Ben and Lois Roden adopted Davidian views. After Victor Houteff died, Ben showed up at Mount Carmel and announced that he was the new Elijah. Citing Isaiah 11:1, he also made the claim that God had revealed to him the new name of Christ: “The Branch” (Zechariah 6:12). This marked the appearance in 1955 of a third distinctive group in this line of millennial Adventists, the “ Branch Davidians.” The Davidians rejected Ben’s leadership at first, initially accepting the leadership of Florence Houteff, Victor’s wife (Pitts 2009).

Ben’s [Image at right] hope was to establish a physical Davidian millennial kingdom in Israel. Both Ben and Lois spent much time in Israel during the next several years trying to achieve this goal. They created a pilot settlement at Amirim, which Lois directed. But the group as a whole never moved there (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:199). Whereas Ben was quiet, Lois was characterized as “exceptionally dynamic and [the leader of] the group for a number of years” (Newport 2006:115, 136).

Victor Houteff’s widow, Florence, announced the great eschatological moment for April 22, 1959 and Davidians gathered at the new Mount Carmel property located east of Waco, which she had purchased after selling the original Mount Carmel property. The prediction failed. Florence Houteff’s failure offered an opening to Ben Roden and Lois Roden to assert leadership of the Davidians; most of the small remnant of Davidians remaining at Mount Carmel accepted the prophetic leadership of Ben Roden in 1962. The Rodens spent time securing control of the Mount Carmel property and the full allegiance of members.

As Ben’s health was declining in 1977, Lois Roden’s most significant personal religious experience occurred. During the night she had a vision of a silver shimmering feminine figure (Lasovich 1981), which she identified as “the Holy Spirit of God” (Bonokoski 1981). Her vision convinced the Branch Davidians that she was the next prophet of the group.

TEACHINGS/DOCTRINES  

Lois Roden’s most enduring legacy among the Branch Davidians was her teaching that the Holy Spirit is feminine. In 1980, she published a mimeographed three-part study entitled By His Spirit (Roden 1980). The group secured an offset press, and in December 1980 she launched SHEkinah, [Image at right] a regularly published journal for disseminating her teaching (Roden and Doyle 1980–1983). She, along with Clive Doyle as co-editor and printer, searched newspapers, popular magazines and academic publications for articles that explored the ideas of the feminine character of God and the ordination of women. Some mainline Protestant denominations had begun ordaining women in the 1950s, and many more denominations began ordaining women as ministers in the 1970s. Meanwhile, feminist scholars studying the early Christian churches found evidence for belief in the feminine character of God and the existence of female clergy among early Christian churches.

Adventists, Davidians and Branch Davidians did not find women’s leadership to be novel, but Lois Roden’s belief in the Holy Spirit as female was revolutionary. She appropriated these proto-feminist emphases during her leadership of the Branch Davidians. She based her understanding of the Trinity on scripture, noting that the text of Genesis 1:26-27 (King James Version) reads, “Let us make man in our image, after our likeness…. So God created man in his own image, in the image of God created he him; male and female created he them.” She explained her reasoning as follows:

Because Adam and Eve were both made in the images of the Godhead I saw that Eve was not made in the image of the Father or the Son, but in the image of a feminine person of the Godhead. So it had two persons who said, “Let us make man in our image, male and female.” That was the key that I got, to know that the woman was a symbol on earth of the Holy Spirit in heaven (Bryan 1980).

She cited word studies to support her argument: the Hebrew word for spirit, ruach, is feminine, and one word for God, elohim, is plural. Moreover, she drew a logical analogy from a human family (father, mother, son) to support her view of the feminine presence in the Trinity. Roden’s views were criticized, but she held to her interpretation. She convinced the Branch Davidians that the Holy Spirit is feminine, a view that surviving faithful Branch Davidians still hold. For outsiders, this was Lois Roden’s most well-known claim. She said that her teaching was not motivated by feminism, but rather by her vision of the Holy Spirit and her understanding of scripture (Lasovich 1981).

Lois Roden’s other major idea was her defense of the authority of women in positions of religious leadership in the Christian tradition. The movement for women’s rights during the 1960s and 1970s (the Second Wave feminist movement) was a fundamental revolution in American life. Recognizing leadership by women in churches was controversial: conservative denominations resisted the change while mainline churches began to embrace it. Roden took a mediating position on the issue, arguing, “The male shouldn’t dominate, and the female shouldn’t dominate.… The Church should play a more active role in bringing about the equality of the sexes” (Halliburton 1980). This argument was not just theoretical. Lois Roden’s son, George Roden (1938–1998), contested her leadership of the Branch Davidians throughout his mother’s tenure. She needed the argument to justify her leadership of the group.

For Lois Roden these two ideas, the feminine nature of the Holy Spirit and women’s religious authority, were closely related. Her vision in 1977 opened her thought to embrace the feminine side of God. She saw women’s leadership roles in religious organizations as a corollary to understanding the Holy Spirit as female (Halliburton 1980).

RITUALS/PRACTICES 

Ben Roden implemented observance of the annual Jewish festivals of Pentecost and Tabernacles as well as Passover, giving them eschatological interpretations (Newport 2006:148-50). The Branch Davidians regarded these as especially holy seasons of the year that reminded them of their beliefs about the coming Judgment, which would witness the destruction of many and the salvation of others. Under Lois Roden’s leadership Passover continued to serve an important theological function among the Branch Davidians (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:88–91). Passover was also the occasion for many Branch Davidians living elsewhere to travel to Texas to join the Mount Carmel group for worship and Bible studies (Haldeman 2007:29, 93-94).

The central ritual was what the Branch Davidians called “the Daily.” According to Newport (2006), the Daily was the name given to their gatherings at 9:00 A.M. and 3:00 P.M. for Bible study and teaching by the Branch Davidian prophet. Lois added to the Daily the taking of unleavened crackers and grape juice as “Emblems” representing the body and blood of Christ (Wessinger 2013).

Whereas most churches center on a weekly gathering for worship, the Branch Davidians were devoted to searching for truth from the Bible; therefore regular gatherings for teaching remained the center of their religious life. Since the deaths of eighty-two Branch Davidians in the conflict with federal agents at Mount Carmel in 1993, a scattered remnant of Branch Davidians who have taken regular jobs in society have had to modify their practice. They are not able to gather as a community for daily study. The Branch Davidians remaining in Waco gather on Saturday for Bible study.

LEADERSHIP

Seventh-day Adventists had a well established tradition of accepting biblical interpretation by modern prophets. Beginning with Martin Luther (1483–1546), Adventists accepted a succession of Christian leaders, including John Knox (1513-1572), John Wesley (1703–1791), Alexander Campbell (1788–1866), William Miller (1782-1849) and Ellen White , who were recognized as prophets because they shed new light on understanding the faith. The Branch Davidians also included more recent prophets, Victor Houteff, Ben Roden, and now Lois Roden.

Prophets in the Davidian-Branch Davidian lineage typically did not reject teachings of their predecessors, but rather built on them and added “new truths” to understanding scriptural prophecies. Houteff likened their task to unrolling a scroll, revealing new insights about the faith (Houteff 1930:114). Hence their key role was to serve as teachers who illuminated the meaning of scriptural texts. The prophets were regarded as possessing “the Spirit of Prophecy,” and Branch Davidians were eager to hear new teachings (Pitts 2014).

Also significant was the precedent of a woman prophet set by Ellen White, who was recognized as the most influential voice in Seventh-day Adventism. Lois Roden (1979a) often referred to “Sister White,” and the Branch Davidians had no problem following the leadership of “Sister Roden.” While accepting the practices of previous leaders, Lois Roden was also deeply influenced by changing gender roles in American culture, and she added two new progressive teachings of her own, making strong arguments for the feminine character of God and for women’s religious leadership.

Lois Roden inherited both the leadership style as well as the teachings and practices of the Branch Davidians, which she modified to meet the needs of her day. Victor Houteff [Image at right] established the style of leadership practiced among the Davidians/Branch Davidians. He set forth the organization of the General Association of the Davidian Seventh-day Adventists in a constitution he called The Leviticus (Houteff 1943). In it he was named the president; the other executive officers ( vice president, treasurer and secretary ) were family members and one close associate who held office only as long as they were approved by the president. Following Houteff’s lead, Ben Roden also composed a Leviticus for the General Association of the Branch Davidian Seventh-day Adventists.

During the years of Ben’s leadership of the Branch Davidians, Lois was a very active leader in her own right. Women such as Bonnie Haldeman (David Koresh’s mother) wrote with respect and affection for the work of “Sister Roden” (Haldeman 2007). Many other Branch Davidians attest to her initiative and spiritual leadership in religious matters during Ben’s leadership. Lois exercised the leadership in establishing a Branch Davidian community in Israel. Her loyalty to her husband’s teachings is notable. He was of Jewish extraction and sought not only to establish the new kingdom in Israel, but also to be buried there. She honored that wish, having his body exhumed and reburied in Israel.

Lois Roden developed her vision of the feminine character of the Holy Spirit as her most important teaching. Immediately after her vision she began to offer studies and publish them in “Christ and the Holy Spirit” (Roden 1978). Significantly the Branch Davidians accepted this view as a teaching from God and therefore recognized Lois Roden as a legitimate prophet who could teach along with her husband Ben as co-prophet. She also took practical legal steps to consolidate her leadership by having members sign a circular letter written in legal language, granting her full legal and financial control of the Branch Davidian Seventh-day Adventist Association assets (Roden 1979b). Ben Roden died October 22, 1978, and Lois led the group from 1978 to 1983.

In accepting Lois Roden’s prophetic leadership, the Branch Davidians recognized a position of authority far beyond the level exercised by ministers in most denominations. They accepted her opinions as the voice of God. She worked tirelessly to promote her own “present truth” or new teachings. She travelled across the United States, to Canada, Israel and elsewhere delivering her message. She demonstrated leadership by serious devotion to her tasks, and she spent her time and resources imparting her teachings. Her deep commitment to Branch Davidian teaching was apparent.

Lois Roden had labored with her husband Ben Roden among the Branch Davidians for more than twenty years and then displayed enormous energy during her short-lived period of prophetic leadership. She published a new journal, SHEkinah, co-edited and printed by Clive Doyle (Roden and Doyle 1980–1983), and produced numerous audiotapes to disseminate her views. She traveled constantly, teaching her view of the Branch Davidian message and giving numerous interviews to newspaper reporters who were interested in presenting her unique views to the public.

Lois Roden inherited structures created by the previous generation of believers, including a base at Mount Carmel, a following of about forty Branch Davidians, and financial resources to travel and publish (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:40). She had the assistance of devoted followers, including her secretary Catherine Matteson, and Clive Doyle. She struggled with her son George Roden and eventually with newcomer Vernon Howell (later known as David Koresh, 1959-1993 ), who arrived at Mount Carmel in 1981, to maintain her leadership. She fended off her son’s attempt to replace her (Roden and Roden 1985–1986). But according to Catherine Matteson (2004), by 1983 most of the Branch Davidians believed that Lois Roden had lost the “Spirit of Prophecy” and consequently that authority was transferred to David Koresh. Lois Roden died in 1986. Her remains were transported to Israel where she was buried beside her husband.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Through her will and courage Lois Roden prevailed as Branch Davidian leader for a while, but she had to confront serious challenges to her leadership from male competitors. First, her son George [Image at right] was a rival throughout her years of prophetic leadership. He offered both gender and theological arguments to support his claim to succeed his father as prophet; failing that, he resorted to force. He was mentally unstable and violent, carrying a gun on the Mount Carmel grounds and into the church and threatening people (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:53–54). Because of fear of George Roden’s violence, the majority of the Branch Davidians, along with their new leader Vernon Howell/David Koresh, left to live in a camp they constructed in the woods near Palestine, Texas (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:60–61). In 1988, they were able to return to Mount Carmel under Koresh’s leadership.

The other person vying for prophetic leadership of the Branch Davidians was Vernon Howell/David Koresh. He came to Mount Carmel in 1981 and, by accounts, worked hard to be accepted by the community. Lois Roden befriended him, and his stature in the community rose rapidly. She cultivated him, served as an example of leadership, and communicated her eschatological message (Newport 2006:166–67). In the end, however, Koresh challenged her leadership, and the majority of Branch Davidians sided with him. Lois Roden lost power to Koresh in 1983. According to the Branch Davidians, “the Spirit of Prophecy” abandoned her and she thereby lost the spiritual basis for her authority (Pitts 2014).

After David Koresh [Image at right] led the majority of the Branch Davidians away from Mount Carmel in 1984, Lois Roden was left to live there while her son George took control of the property. She died on November 10, 1986 at age seventy, and her body was transported to Israel for burial. George Roden lost control of the Mount Carmel property to Koresh’s Branch Davidians in 1988 while George was imprisoned for threatening a judge. He subsequently killed a man and spent the rest of his years in a state mental hospital.

Ten years after Lois Roden lost her leadership to David Koresh, the Branch Davidian movement faced its ultimate crisis. In conflicts with federal law enforcement agents in 1993, the Branch Davidians’ home ultimately burned to the ground in a fire that killed seventy-six members, including children, almost destroying the Branch Davidians as a religious movement. However, a small remnant remains.

Lois Roden exercised a powerful influence in shaping the work of Ben Roden, the prophet who preceded her, and also David Koresh, the prophet who succeeded her. Moreover, she led the Branch Davidians to embrace new views during her own tenure as their prophet. She was both a product of her own time and a creative and resourceful American religious leader who made important contributions to the Branch Davidian tradition.

IMAGES

Image #1: Photograph of Lois Roden.

Image #2: Photograph of Benjamin Roden, husband of Lois Roden.

Image #3: Photograph of the front page of SHEkinah, the periodical through which Lois Roden published her spiritual discoveries.

Image #4: Photograph of Victor Houteff.

Image #5: Photograph of George Roden, Lois Roden’s son.

Image #6: Photograph of Vernon Howell/David Koresh, who succeeded Lois Roden as leader of the Branch Davidians.

REFERENCES

Bonokoski, Mark. 1981. “Our Mother Who Art in Heaven.” SHEkinah, December.

Bryan, Paul. 1980. “An Interview with Lois Roden.” The Paul Bryan Talk Show. WFAA, Dallas, Texas. November 4. Reprinted in SHEkinah, December 1980.

Bull, Malcolm, and Keith Lockhart. 2007. Seeking a Sanctuary: Seventh-Day Adventism and the American Dream. Second Edition. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Doyle, Clive, with Catherine Wessinger and Matthew D. Witmer. 2012. A Journey to Waco: Autobiography of a Branch Davidian . Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.

Haldeman, Bonnie. 2007. Memories of the Branch Davidians: The Autobiography of David Koresh’s Mother, edited by Catherine Wessinger. Waco, Texas: Baylor University Press.

Halliburton, Rita. 1980. “Centexan: Holy Spirit Female.” Waco Tribune Herald, April 26, B-5. Reprinted in SHEkinah, December 1980.

Houteff, Victor T. 1943. The Leviticus of Davidian Seventh-day Adventists. Mt. Carmel Center: V. T. Houteff.

Houteff, Victor T. 1930, 1932. The Shepherd’s Rod. Mt. Carmel Center: V. T. Houteff.

Lasovich, Mary. 1981. “Her Crusade to Tell the World the Holy Spirit Is Feminine.” Kingston Ontario Whig Standard, February 28. Reprinted in SHEkinah , April 1981.

Matteson, Catherine. 2004. “Interview #2 by Catherine Wessinger.” Texas Collection. Baylor University, Waco, Texas.

McGee, Dan. n.d. “Davidians and Branch Davidians” (typescript). Texas Collection. Baylor University, Waco, Texas.

Newport, Kenneth G. C. 2006. The Branch Davidians of Waco: The History and Beliefs of an Apocalyptic Sect. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Numbers, Ronald L. and Jonathan M. Butler, eds. 1987. The Disappointed: Millerism and Millenarianism in the Nineteenth Century . Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Pitts, William L., Jr . 2014. “ SHEkinah : Lois Roden’s Quest for Gender Equality.” Nova Religio 17:37–60.

Pitts, William L., Jr . 2009. “Women Leaders in the Davidian and Branch Davidian Traditions.” Nova Religio 12:50–71.

Pitts, William L., Jr. 1995. “Davidians and Branch Davidians.” Pp. 20-42 in Armageddon in Waco, edited by Stuart A. Wright. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Roden, George, and Lois Roden. 1985-1986. “Legal Documents.” Texas Collection. Baylor University, Waco, Texas.

Roden, Lois. 1980. By His Spirit. Bellmead, TX: Living Waters Branch.

Roden, Lois. 1979a. “Eden to Eden.” Taped teaching. Texas Collection. Baylor University, Waco, Texas.

Roden, Lois. 1979b. “Numbering the People.” Texas Collection. Baylor University, Waco, Texas.

Roden, Lois. 1978. “Christ and the Holy Spirit: Two Turtle Doves.” Bellmead, TX: Living Waters Branch.

Roden, Lois, and Clive Doyle, editors. 1980-1983. SHEkinah. Copies of all issues are housed in the Texas Collection. Baylor University, Waco, Texas.

Saether, George William. 1977. “Oral Memoirs.” Institute for Oral History. Baylor University, Waco, Texas.

Seventh-day Adventists Believe: A Biblical Exposition of 27 Fundamental Doctrines. 1988. Washington, D.C.: Ministerial Association General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists.

Wessinger, Catherine. 2013. “Branch Davidians (1981-2006).” World Religions and Spirituality Project. Accessed from http://wrldrels.org/profiles/BranchDavidians.htm on 10 July 2016.

White, Ellen. 1888. The Great Controversy. Battle Creek, Michigan: James White.

Post Date:
11 July 2016

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Olga Park

OLGA PARK TIMELINE

1891 (February 24):  Olga Park was born Mary Olga Bracewell in Gargrave (North Yorkshire), England.

1910:  Park and her family emigrated to British Columbia, Canada.

1914:  Park began to receive unsolicited psycho-spiritual experiences of the Cosmic Christ and other beings from the life beyond death or “heavenly realms.”

1917 (March 24):  Olga Bracewell married James Fleming Park, a Vancouver banker originally from Glasgow, Scotland, in St. Luke’s Anglican Church, South Vancouver, British Columbia.

1919:  Park gave birth to her son Robert Bruce Park.

1922 (June 4):  Park gave birth to James Samuel Park who died a few days later. Olga had an out-of-body experience at the time of Jamie’s birth.

1923–1940:  Olga became active in St. Mary’s Anglican Church in Vancouver in the 1920s, but continued having visions and direct mystical experiences, which she mostly kept to herself. She carefully recorded the details of her interior experiences, and eventually developed a regular morning and evening practice of contemplative prayer.

1941–1963:  In the mid-1940s, Park received the words and music for a mystical communion service she practiced for the rest of her life in the privacy of her home. She corresponded with the Psychical Research Society in England, became the Canadian representative of the Churches’ Fellowship for Psychical Research,
1956–1963 ( Churches’ Fellowship for Psychical and Spiritual Studies n.d.) , and was a member of the Spiritual Frontiers Fellowship (Evanston, Illinois) during the same period.

1960:  Park published Between Time and Eternity (Vantage Press).

1964:  Park moved to a small cottage in Port Moody, British Columbia where she devoted the rest of her life to living as a solitary contemplative, and to the regular practice of the mystical communion ritual given to her by her Teacher from the life beyond death.

1968:  Park self-published Man, The Temple of God .

1969: Park self-published The Book of Admonition and Poetry .

1974: Park self-published An Open Door .

1978: When she broke her ankle, Park moved from the cottage to live with a friend in Vancouver. She continued to receive visits from seekers and learners, sharing her wisdom and contemplative practices with others.

1983: Park transitioned to a care center for the elderly in Vancouver where she received regular visitors.

1985: Park died in December due to advanced age and complications of an undiagnosed stomach condition. Despite intense pain at the end of her life, she passed away peacefully in the presence of a friend.

BIOGRAPHY

Mary Olga Park (who preferred to go by Olga) was born on February 24, 1891 in Gargrave, North Yorkshire, England. Her mother,Ellen Bracewell, was a nanny for the local gentry and her father, Bruce Bracewell, was a tradesman and interior decorator for great manor homes in England. His ancestors had been weavers. Olga loved reading, showed an early talent in music, and possessed a clear and pure soprano voice. She attended various schools in the suburbs of Birmingham until the age of fourteen when she won a scholarship to Aston Pupil Teachers’ Centre for three years, intending to become a teacher.

As a child, Park attended prayer meetings until Darwinian debates broke up her local Wesleyan Methodist church. Some members left because they found a literalist interpretation of the origins of humanity in the book of Genesis incompatible with the more recent findings of geological science. Olga’s cousins were high Anglican, and despite parental disapproval, she sneaked off with her cousins to attend the St. Thomas Anglican Church nearby, drawn by the music, liturgy and sacramentalism.

Then, in 1910, Olga and her family made a life-changing move to Canada. Her father decided to leave behind everything he had built in England in hopes of improving his prospects. The unsolicited psycho-spiritual experiences Park described in her self-published books, Between Time and Eternity (1960) and An Open Door (1972), began a few years later around 1914.

The transition to Vancouver was difficult, as Olga was forced to abandon a promising singing career in England where she had social connections and educational opportunities. She described Vancouver of the early days as a place of pioneer conditions with few cultural amenities.

In 1917, Olga married James Fleming Park, a Vancouver banker who was originally from Glasgow, Scotland. They lived in various residences in Vancouver. Throughout this period, she taught Sunday school in an Anglican church, developing an innovative educational curriculum for youth. There she became friends with the rector at that time, a man of progressive spiritualunderstanding, Charles Sydney McGaffin, who after his death became her spiritual partner working with her from the life beyond death.

In Vancouver during the late 1950s and early 1960s Olga Park was exposed to Theosophical and Spiritualist concepts and practices. She briefly attended Spiritualist meetings and adopted some of their terminology, but chose not to self-identify as a Theosophist or Spiritualist. She saw herself as a Christian mystic on a contemplative path.

In mid-life, she embarked on a detailed study of the New Testament scriptures to discern what the historical Jesus might have actually said and taught versus the interpretation the developing Christian church in the early centuries imposed on his life and teachings. In many ways, she anticipated the scholarship of Jesus historians like John Dominic Crossan, Marcus Borg and others. Eventually, she left the institutional church because she felt much of what she called the “Churchianity” of her times was not aligned with the actual life and teachings of the Jesus she served based on her visionary awareness.

In 1964, after her husband’s death in 1959, Park moved out of her son’s home to a one-room cottage in Port Moody on the Burrard Inlet east of Vancouver to devote herself to contemplation. During this time until the end of her life, her mystical experiences and visions intensified. After her removal to the cottage, interested seekers of all ages and walks of life who heard of her by word of mouth or picked up her books began to visit. Some became her “learners” and received instruction in the practice of solitary communion she had received as well as the mystical understanding on which it was based.

Olga had numerous extraordinary visions throughout her long life, along with many other varieties of mystical experience. As sherecounted in Between Time and Eternity, these came entirely unsought, and at first she was uncomfortable with them. It was only in her later years that she spoke of them to friends, and compiled her spiritual records for distribution to acquaintances who expressed interest. By this time such experiences were so extensive that she simply accepted their unusualness, and hoped they would be of help to others.

A key thread through all of Olga Park’s visions was that they related to the purpose of life on earth and her sense of the Cosmic Christ’s ongoing role in the spiritual evolution of humanity. While her experiences were received within a Christian context, they addressed spiritual principles that transcend religious and ideological boundaries. In 1972 Park reflected on her rich spiritual life and recounted some of the themes interwoven among these mystical experiences in her book An Open Door .

Olga continued living alone at the cottage until 1978, when at the age of 87 she moved to Vancouver due to frail health after breaking an ankle. There she resided in a friend’s basement suite until January 1983 when she moved to a care center for the elderly in Vancouver. Olga died in December 1985 at the age of ninety-four. Her son, Robert, died a few years later. Her two grandchildren, Jim and Valerie Park, and a great-grandson survive her.

TEACHINGS/DOCTRINES

As a mystic wary of institutional church structures and religious organizations, Olga insisted she did not wish to form a “group-structure,” certainly not one involving dues, membership, official status, or doctrine. She emphasized the importance of direct interior experience over uniformity of belief. Park made it clear she did not intend to found a church or religious movement.

Throughout her life, Olga had out of body experiences, visionary awareness, precognition, “third-eye” seeing, and daily communication with the life beyond death. At times she would channel the voice of a friend or contact in the spirit world. She integrated these experiences into her life in a way that sustained a balance between thinking and feeling, and always affirmed the importance of rationality. She taught that growth in divine wisdom and love was the ultimate purpose of such heightened states, not the states themselves.

Park shared freely her interior visions and insights as well as specific pragmatic spiritual practices to any who inquired. She did not believe in proselytizing, and emphasized the importance of responding to genuine inquirers. She taught that establishing a regular time and place for prayer and contemplation would expand consciousness and enable seekers to receive their own direct illumination and guidance.

Over her lifetime Olga had at least a hundred students of diverse ages, demographics, and religious backgrounds who were drawn to her mostly by word of mouth. Most often, she met with her learners one-on-one at her cottage in Port Moody, British Columbia, but frequently in groups of about two to four people at a time. Some were neighbors or friends of neighbors. About ten percent were middle-aged housewives, sometimes accompanied by their husbands. A number of middle-aged men sought her out as well. one a Dutch immigrant to Canada and photographer. Park was also visited by several educators from local colleges and universities in the fields of Religious Studies, English Literature, and Philosophy who heard of her through their students or colleagues. The majority of her students were working-class people from middle-class and some upper-middle-class backgrounds.

At least twenty percent of the people attracted to Olga Park were youth. Her first learner, a young man from England who sought her out after picking up one of her self-published books in an esoteric bookstore in Vancouver, later returned to England to specialize in the sale of organic fertilizers. Many university students interested in spirituality or religion sought her out. In the early 1970s, a number of her learners were hippies, part of the countercultural movement on the West Coast of North America. A striking number of these young people went on to become artists: among them a poet, a potter, a writer on spirituality, and a glassblower. One of her grandson’s friends, who attended to Park’s needs when she broke an ankle, later became a professional nurse. Park also engaged briefly with two teenaged girls who visited regularly for a time in the early 1970s. A young potter and visual artist working with prisoners at a local prison put her in contact with an inquiring inmate with whom she corresponded for a time.

More than half of Olga’s students were nominally Christian or had Christian upbringings, but many had grown disaffected by conventional religion because of its focus on belief and dogma. These were seeking a spiritual practice that enabled them to discover correlations between the contemplative traditions of Christianity and those of other spiritual traditions, particularly those of Asia like Buddhism and Hinduism. Park was open to those who called themselves agnostics, atheists, or those from other religions.

Meetings with Park were seemingly informal, beginning with conversation and tea. However, she would soon begin to share her mystical experiences and visions, offering insights into their meaning and purpose. Then she would receive questions, and dialogue would ensue. After a number of visits, students would often be invited to participate in her weekly communion partaking at her altar in an alcove of the cottage. There she would explain the symbols and meaning of the communion ritual and teach the songs and prayers that led up to and out of what she called “the Holy Silence” (“The Communion Service” n.d.). If they chose, students would then continue practicing the communion ritual in the privacy of their homes. The words, songs, and instructions for her communion service are available on her website (Olga Park: Twentieth-Century Mystic n.d. ).

Olga was devoted to the being who manifested to her early in her adult life as the Cosmic Christ, and felt herself dedicated to the path he had established on earth during his incarnation as Jesus of Nazareth. She saw the Jesus of her visions as still actively at work addressing our emerging planetary crisis. She did not accept the doctrine that it is essential for everyone to accept the Christian Jesus in order to be “saved.” Rather, she saw the Cosmic Christ as a human being who had attained mastery of spiritual principles during his lifetime, and whose life and teachings were in alignment with the principles and teachings of other leaders and founders of world religions. He had attained the status of the Cosmic Christ but was not God incarnate. This Jesus was for her a poet and wisdom teacher, as evidenced by his parables and oral wisdom sayings, and a scientist in the oldest sense of the word “science” as integrated knowing.

She taught that Western materialist science and linear thinking have shut many out from more inclusive, intuitive knowing. The Christ was her supreme teacher, because he had attained mastery of the life forces through many incarnations. Yet she drew on the wisdom of the world’s religions East and West in her interpretation of her visions and of the Hebrew and Christian scriptures, noting the interconnections among the various wisdom traditions. She was both grounded in her Christian heritage and inter-spiritual daily. In her later life, Olga communed with presences from the life beyond death and experienced visions
frequently, on almost a or weekly basis. Some of Olga’s most significant visions are described in her own words on a website containing her self-published writings: the story of the psychic vase and its shattering; a viewing of the panorama of religions throughout the ages; an experience of the Cosmic Christ as Osiris in the Great Pyramid of Giza; an out-of-body tour of the Church of Christ of the Future; an account of the Temple of God Consciousness; and her receiving of third-eye vision (“The Communion Service” n.d.).

RITUALS/PRACTICES

In the early 1970s, it was revealed to Olga through a series of visions that she was commissioned to instruct others in the partaking of bread and wine at a home prayer table, which, she suggested, could be located in a niche or corner of one’s room. The purpose of this practice, for both herself and her learners, was to accelerate spiritual growth toward maturity (spiritual integration) and to establish a balance between contemplation and action in one’s daily life. Her students were invited to follow suit by setting up their own prayer tables or dedicated places as convenient and committing themselves to regular times of prayer, meditation, and communion. When they again visited Olga at the cottage they would discuss the insights and possible transformations in their lives that proceeded from their practice.

Olga taught the importance of establishing a special place and time dedicated to prayer and meditation. She emphasized that a person’s psychic and spiritual energies could be easily disrupted by the constant comings and goings of everyday life, and that it was therefore important to build a temple or sacred place within the soul that was at one with Creative Spirit. She saw her prayer table as more of a dining table for communion rather than an altar or place of sacrifice, as a sacred space where partakers receive healing, comfort, and guidance, surrender their daily concerns to a higher power, and offer prayers for others.

In addition to her practice of morning and evening prayer, Olga developed a communion service that she said was given to her by her Teacher and guide in the other life whom she associated with the author (or source) for the accounts in the Gospel of John. She taught her practice to any of her students who requested to participate at the cottage in groups of no more than two or three. Many of them then decided to continue practicing it in their own homes. For a time, some of the students practiced communion at home with one other student, but most of them practiced in solitude. They did not form an established group apart from Park during her lifetime or after her death, but some met together to discuss her ideas, practices, and her non-literal approaches to the Bible.

Olga rejected the doctrine that Jesus’ execution by the Romans was a sacrifice God required of his “only Son” in order to forgive humankind for their sins. In Olga’s ritual, the bread symbolizes the “Word of life revealed from heaven,” and the wine “the love of Christ and the fellowship of heaven.” The service consisted of an interweaving of hymns and scriptures that led up to and out of the Holy Silence. The purpose of the service was to activate higher levels of consciousness within each participant. She taught that this Holy Silence was at the center of everyone’s being, and was the generative source of all life where we are interconnected and one.

Additionally, she taught that the purpose of entering the Silence was to cultivate the “hearing of the Voice.” This inner hearing was not a ringing in the ear by a voice perceived as external from the self, but an emergence of wisdom-knowing from the innermost core of each person. She taught one could receive guidance from the innermost core of oneself that is simultaneously the core or hidden center of the cosmos. Her teaching was based on the sense that the microcosm or small order of things is essentially one with the cosmic order or larger order of things. Therefore, the hearing of the Voice was for her not a matter of external guidance bestowed by a God outside the world or the individual self, but a Presence indwelling each person and alive within all things.

LEADERSHIP

As a spiritual leader, Olga encouraged her students to trust their own interior guidance. One of her constant expressions was, “Don’t take my word for it. Test it out for yourself to see if it works.”

She encouraged the full development of the individuality of each of her learners. Yet those close to her believed she spoke with such authenticity on the intensity and quality of her visions that it was evident she lived in many dimensions at once, negotiating them with grace. Many of her students noticed that when they arrived at the cottage, Park would often begin talking insightfully about an issue or question with which they had been struggling; yet she insisted she did not read minds but was simply “attuned from within” to what was going on with each person.

She often compared what she called spiritual “at-one-ment” or “attunement” to being linked up to a specific bandwidth as received on a radio. She also taught that “all is by mediation,” and saw herself as one who had the capacity to mediate between one dimension and another. During some of her early out-of-body experiences she had been taken by her guide in the afterlife (the figure she called her Teacher) to assist others in their transition from life on earth to the life beyond death.

Olga’s continuous direct encounters with beings and teachers from the life beyond death convinced her that consciousness survives death. Much of her teaching focused on how to awaken and develop what she called “a three-fold consciousness,” a balance of body, soul (including mind and emotions), and spirit. Her students often commented that mere association with Olga stimulated visionary or mystical awareness in them.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Olga Park’s greatest challenge, her call to a solitary, contemplative life, involved some degree of loneliness in the early years. Feeling out of tune with the materialist, linear thinking of her era (the assumption that what we can see and measure empirically is the entirety of reality) she nevertheless continued to keep careful records of her interior experiences.

Her preference to work with small groups of people drawn to her and her desire to step outside large institutional structures meant that she would not lead a movement. However, her hidden life, and her teachings on the importance of a regular practice of prayer and praise, had profound repercussions in the lives of many. Her papers and writings are now being collected in the archives at the University of Manitoba. She lived by Jesus’ teaching that a teacher scatters seed, unaware of the hidden repercussions of acts that at first seem small.

Olga’s decision not to promote herself as the leader of a movement flowed out of a considered understanding that the insights and teachings of the original founders of many religions have often been diminished or even perverted by the institutional structures that grew up around them. She argued that when Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire, the creeds and doctrines of the church often misrepresented the life and teachings of Jesus, the Jewish mystical teacher. She felt that Jesus’ legacy would not have necessarily died without the church, but that it could have been carried on through smaller, more diverse groups of practitioners. Therefore, her legacy is not merely based on her own personal charisma, but on her teaching about the value of a regular practice of contemplation and communion, which can be carried out in one’s home or ordinary circumstances by individuals and small groups. Her teaching on how to open to the presence of the Cosmic Christ and to come to embody this Christ-consciousness is expressed in her extensive writings, many of which have not yet been published at this time.

Olga’s teachings remain clearly within the Christian mystical streams. Because her concepts and practices fell within the more esoteric side of Christianity, she was not fully understood during her lifetime. However, she was both a mystic and an activist, as she served as the Canadian representative for the Churches’ Fellowship for Psychic and Spiritual Research when she was in her sixties, and attempted to open discussion in liberal Christian churches in Vancouver about life beyond death. She felt her path paralleled that of the Quakers who focus on the awakening of the inner light in each individual rather than relying on a priesthood or spiritual hierarchy.

Olga Park lived and taught what now might be called an evolutionary spirituality, a sense that human consciousness evolves within a larger, sustaining cosmic consciousness. She noted that evolving beyond egotism and self-centeredness individually and collectively begins and ends with humility, a desire to serve something greater than our narrowly conceived selves. Olga’s God or Creative Spirit was not a punitive or patriarchal Being managing the world from outside or beyond, but a loving Presence, both immanent and transcendent, personal and transpersonal, who uses our mistakes and fragilities to create newness, truth, and beauty. Divine spirit was for her that in which “we live and move and have our being” (Acts 17:28).

REFERENCES

Buckwold, Jarad. 2013. Olga Park: An Inventory of Her Records at the University of Manitoba Archives & Special Collections. Accessed from http://umanitoba.ca/libraries/units/archives/collections/complete_holdings/ead/html/Olga-Park_2011.shtml#a14.

Churches’ Fellowship for Psychical and Spiritual Studies. n.d. Accessed from http://www.churchesfellowship.co.uk/ on 15 December 2015.

Longhurst, Brian. 2012. Seek Ye First the Kingdom: One Man’s Journey with the Living Jesus. Portland: Six Degrees Publishing Group.

McCaslin, Susan. 2014. Into the Mystic: My Years with Olga. Toronto: Inanna Publications.

Olga Park: Twentieth-Century Mystic. n.d. (Website created by Susan McCaslin containing Olga Park’s self-published writings). Accessed from http://olgapark.weebly.com/ on 16 June 2017.

Park, Olga Mary Bracewell. 1960. Between Time and Eternity. New York: Vantage Press. Accessed from http://olgapark.weebly.com/uploads/1/0/2/3/102360766/between_time_and_eternity.pdf  on 16 June 2017.

Park, Olga. 1968. Man, the Temple of God. Accessed from http://olgapark.weebly.com/uploads/1/0/2/3/102360766/man_the_temple_of_god.pdf on 16 June 2017.

Park, Olga. 1969. The Book of Admonition and Poetry. Accessed from http://olgapark.weebly.com/uploads/1/0/2/3/102360766/book_of_admonitions_and_poetry.pdf on 16 June 2017.

Park, Olga. 1974. An Open Door. Accessed from http://olgapark.weebly.com/uploads/1/0/2/3/102360766/an_open_door.pdf on 16 June 2017.

Todd, Douglas. 2015. “A Journey into Parapsychology,” September 10. The Search. Online blog with the Vancouver Sun . Accessed from http://blogs.vancouversun.com/2015/09/10/a-vancouver-womans-journey-into-parapsychology/ on 18 December 2015.

SUPPLEMENTARY RESOURCES

Mary Olga Park fonds. University of British Columbia Library Rare Books and Special Collections. Available at http://rbscarchives.library.ubc.ca/index.php/mary-olga-park-fonds.

Mary Olga Park fonds. University of British Columbia Library Rare Books and Special Collections. Collection Description. Available at http://rbscarchives.library.ubc.ca/downloads/mary-olga-park-fonds.pdf

Post Date:
18 December 2015

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Karaikkal Ammaiyar

KARAIKKAL AMMAIYAR TIMELINE

ca. 500 C.E.:  Karaikkal Ammaiyar lived in what is now known as the state of Tamilnadu in south India. She was a great devotee of the Hindu god Shiva, and the author of four poetic works of devotion in the Tamil language to him.

11th–12th centuries C.E:  Her life was described in authoritative traditional biographies in the Tamil language.

11th century on:  She was depicted in metal festival sculptures originally designed for temple worship.

Present:  She is publicly celebrated in several annual temple festivals in Tamilnadu, south India, as well as other locations where there is a significant population of Hindu Tamils devoted to Shiva.

HISTORY/CONTEXT

Karaikkal Ammaiyar is revered as a Tamil Shiva-bhakti saint by Tamil people in south India and elsewhere who are Shaivas (theyworship Shiva as their family deity and/or chosen deity). [See photo at right by the author; credits appear below.] The name by which she is known (Karaikkal Ammaiyar) means in the Tamil language “revered mother of Karaikkal.” Her biographers and her devotees regard the contemporary town named Karaikal in Tamil Nadu in south India as her home village. Karaikal is located nearly 300 kilometers south down the east coast of India from Chennai, and a major festival to Karaikkal Ammaiyar is held there every June–July.

In the Tamil south Indian tradition, Karaikkal Ammaiyar (Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār) is remembered as a female poet-saint who lived more than one thousand years ago in what is now the state of Tamilnadu, India. There, she composed 143 verses expressing her praise of and devotion (bhakti) to the Hindu deity Shiva (Śiva): The 101-verse poem entitled Arputat Tiruvantati (Arputat Tiruvantāti; Sacred Linked Verses of Wonder); the twenty-verse poem entitled Tiru Irattai Manimalai (Tiru Iraṭṭai Maṇimālai; Sacred Garland of Double Gems); and two hymns set to music in eleven verses entitled Tiruvalankattut Tiruppatikam 1 and 2 (Tiruvālaṅkāṭṭut Tiruppatikam 1 and 2; Sacred Hymns on [the place called] Tiruvalankatu). She is one of only three female named saints in the authoritative Tamil Shiva-bhakti devotional tradition (Śiva-bhakti; devotional participation dedicated to the god Shiva), and the only woman among those saints to have authored devotional works. [See photo at right; credits appear below.]

There are important questions of historicity concerning Karaikkal Ammaiyar that should be considered.

Was Karaikkal Ammaiyar a real person? Tradition considers her to have been an historical personage who authored four poetic compositions. By the eleventh and twelfth centuries C.E., traditional biographers described her as a female person who had a special connection to Shiva. While these biographers’ lifetimes are centuries later than Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s, her biographers are much closer in time to her than we are at present. Unless there is a compelling reason to doubt or contradict an aspect of traditional memory, we may take what tradition says as a working assumption.

When did Karaikkal Ammaiyar live? Scholars agree that Karaikkal Ammaiyar lived around 550 C.E. (Nilakanta Sastri 1955:35; Kārāvelāne 1982 [1956]:19; Filliozat 1982 [1956]:8, 13; Zvelebil 1973:186; Cutler 1987: 118; Dehejia 1988:135). All of the scholars point to two pieces of evidence: 1) Traditional memory places her as historically the earliest of the sixty-three named Tamil Shiva- bhakti saints; and 2) Cuntarar (Sundarar), one of the three most famous male poet-saints in the Tamil Shiva-bhakti group dating to 700 C.E., wrote a poem listing the names of all of the sixty-three saints in which his reference to one saint as “pey” (pēy; ghoul) is understood by tradition to refer to Karaikkal Ammaiyar; thus, she lived prior to 700 C.E.

However, none of these scholars provide a more detailed rationale for the dating of Karaikkal Ammaiyar to 550 C.E.; while this date is open to revision, it is plausible for several significant reasons (Pechilis 2012; 2013). Tradition views Karaikkal Ammaiyar as developing new poetic forms, and her use of them is less orderly and assured in terms of syntax and structure than later prominent poets who also used those forms, including Cuntarar, which suggests that she initiated new forms of poetry and that later poets perfected those forms. In addition, she is concerned with themes found in other Tamil literature of her time, especially the Cankam (Ca ṅ kam; academy) classical poetry (ca. 200 B.C.E. to 500 C.E.) and the narrative poems (or “epics”) Cilappatikaram (Cilappatikāram, ca. 300–400 C.E.) and Manimekalai (Maimēkalai, ca. sixth century). Such themes include the heroic ideal, the existence of pey (ghouls), Shiva’s dance, and the spiritual significance of the cremation ground. In addition, Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s poetry demonstrates familiarity with descriptions of Shiva from classical Sanskrit mythological stories, known as a genre as purana (purāṇa), which were redacted during the Gupta dynasty era (ca. 320–550 C.E.). Lastly, the kind of bhakti (devotional) poetry that Karaikkal Ammiyar produced is very different in terms of voice, structure, choice of themes and representation of bhakti compared to the compositions of the three most famous male saints (Appar, Campantar and Cuntarar, ca. 700 C.E.); it is doubtful, given their predominance and authority as spokesmen of bhakti, that Karaikkal Ammaiyar would follow, rather than precede, them.

Karaikkal Ammaiyar lived in the early period of what Alexis Sanderson (2009) has called “the Śaiva Age” in India, during which Shaivism (the worship of the god Shiva) was predominant across India, from about the fifth to the thirteenth centuries C.E. She is not the first woman to compose Tamil poetry, nor the first poet to describe Shiva in some detail; for example, at least ten poetesses contributed to the classical Tamil poetic anthology, the Purananuru (Puranānūru ; The Four Hundred [Poems] About the Exterior; dated to the first to third centuries C.E.), and several of the poems in the collection describe aspects of Shiva known from Sanskrit mythology, including his third eye, his blue-black neck, and his destruction of the demonic triple cities (e.g. v. 55; see Hart and Heifetz 1999, xv:41). However, tradition credits Karaikkal Ammaiyar with being the first Tamil poet to have an exclusive devotional focus on Shiva. Some scholars contend that Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s aim was to replace worship of the Tamil goddess Korravai with worship of the god Shiva as depicted in Sanskrit mythology (Mahalakshmi 2000, 2011; repeated in Craddock 2010), but this perspective has some serious chronological issues, as well as a lack of thematic representation in the poetry of Karaikkal Ammaiyar (Pechilis 2012:74–75). A more fruitful avenue is to view her work as an intertextual dialogue with preceding literature such as the classical Tamil Cankam poetry and Sanskrit mythology, with contemporaneous Tamil literature such as the “epics” Cilappatikaram and Manimekalai, and with contemporaneous traditions of practice such as Shaiva Tantra.

Two authoritative biographies from within Tamil Shiva-bhakti tradition were written about her within 600 years of her lifetime, celebrating Karaikkal Ammaiyar as an exemplar of devotion and as an author of devotional poetry. The much longer and more authoritative biography was written in the twelfth century by a court minister named Cekkilar (Cēkkilār), which contains biographical stories of all sixty-three named saints in the Tamil Shiva-bhakti tradition, including Karaikkal Ammaiyar. At this time, Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s compositions were canonized in the Tamil Shiva-bhakti tradition by being included in the eleventh volume of the canon of devotional literature to Shiva; this canon is called the “Sacred Collection” (Tirumurai). Cekkilar’s biographies of the saints constitute the twelfth and final volume of this canon.

Cekkilar’s biography of Karaikkal Ammaiyar was enormously influential in the Shiva-bhakti community’s imagining of her. For example, the biography has had a major influence on the festival images of Karaikkal Ammaiyar made of metal created from the eleventh century on, such as the image now at the Nelson-Atkins Museum and the thirteenth-century image now at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. [See image at right from the MET Museum; credits appear below.] Historical images of this saint can be found in large Hindu temples dedicated to Shiva in Tamil south India today, as well as in Hindu temples in countries where Tamils reside, such as Sri Lanka, South Africa, Fiji, and Western nations. Such images continue to be made today for both temple and personal worship collections. In addition, Cekkilar’s biography of Karaikkal Ammaiyar provides the narrative for annual festivals that publicly celebrate her devotion, including: 1) The festival to celebrate her achievement of spiritual liberation (mukti) at the Vadaranyeswarar Temple in Tiruvalankatu (also spelled Tiruvalangadu, about sixty km west of Chennai) every February–March; 2) The festival of the sixty-three saints (aruppattumūvar tiruvilā), held at the prestigious Kapaleeshvara (Kapālīśvara) Temple in Mylapore, Chennai every February–March; and 3) The mango festival (maṅgani tiruvi lā) to celebrate her life story at the temple town of Karaikal (about twenty km. north of Nagapattinam) every June–July. Today, Cekkilar’s biographical stories of the saints are widely known among Tamil speakers, especially those who identify as Shaiva. Indeed, the story of Karaikkal Ammaiyar is much more widely known than her own poetry. Her two hymns are known to some professional temple singers (ōtuvār) of Shiva-bhakti devotional hymns, but they are not part of the common performance repertoire.

BIOGRAPHY 

Cekkilar’s twelfth-century biographical volume of the saints, called the Periya Puranam (Periya Purāṇam; Great Traditional Story), has been enormously influential, and it predominates in guiding the Tamil public’s imagination of the sixty-three named saints’ identities today, as any number of books, articles and websites demonstrate. In the case of Karaikkal Ammaiyar, the biographical story is much more widely known than her own poetry. (For a detailed English translation of Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s biographical story, see Pechilis 2012:199-205. For a general English translation of the Periya Puranam see McGlashan 2006.) Yet there is a compelling reason to doubt an aspect of Cekkilar’s traditional memory, because the themes that he prioritizes in his biography, such as Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s identity as a wife, are not ones that are found in her own poetry and hymns. That is, Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s self-representation in her poetry in certain ways significantly differs from Cekkilar’s representation of her in his biography.

It is thus necessary to start with Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s own poetry in order to discover the ways in which she represents herself in her compositions. The first thing to note is that there is a sharp bifurcation in her compositions. Her two poems, the 101-verse Arputat Tiruvantati (Sacred Linked Verses of Wonder; hereafter “Wonder”) and the twenty-verse TiruIrattai Manimalai (Sacred Garland of Double Gems; hereafter “Garland”), are similar in voice, theme and imagery in their reflections on devotion to Shiva. Her two hymns on Tiruvalankatu (Tiruvalankattut Tiruppatikam 1 and 2; hereafter “Decade-1” and “Decade-2”) are, however, quite distinct because of their sole concentration on Shiva as the Lord of Dance who performs at a cremation ground (Pechilis 2012:40-42). This difference will be explored in the sections below on Beliefs and Practices in this profile.

In the “Wonder” and the “Garland,” Karaikkal Ammaiyar devotes many verses to descriptive praise of Shiva as heroic. Shiva’s heroic deeds, known from Sanskrit mythology, are represented, especially those that portray Shiva as a protector of humankind (Pechilis 2012:53), such as his burning the demons of the triple cities and his swallowing of the poison, as in the following two examples:

The gaze of his third eye,
which can appear as
long flames of fire,
soft cool moonlight
or the harsh rays of the sun,
immediately burned to ashes
the three fortresses
of his formidable foes. (“Wonder” v. 84; Pechilis 2012:30)

In times of yore
the lord who bears the cobra
drank the poison from the awesome ocean
churned by the celestials,
which darkened his neck
like a shadow across the silvery moon
that crowns his red, snake-bearing matted locks. (“Wonder” v. 55; Pechilis 2012:28)

In contrast to the intense specificity with which the poet describes the body of god, she does not tell us of any particular characteristics or context of her own body: She does not identify her gender, her caste, or her socio-economic class, but instead emphasizes her humanity, as in the first verse of the “Wonder,” her longest poem:

Birth in this body
enabled me to express
my overflowing love
through speech,
and I reached your sacred henna-red feet.

And now I ask,
oh, lord of the gods
whose neck shimmers black,
when will the afflictions
that birth in this world also enables ever end? (“Wonder” v. 1; Pechilis 2012:26)

By not providing details about herself, the poet may have sought to present a universal voice in her poetry through which the devotional subjectivity she describes is accessible to all of humankind and not limited to people who match her own identity characteristics. Her voice is thus that of humanity as engaged in contemplation of the divine. A complicating factor is that three of her works, the “Wonder” and the two hymns on Tiruvalankatu, conclude with a signature verse in which the author refers to herself as Karaikkālpey (pēy), which translates to “the ghoul from the place named Karaikkal.” In all of her works, the poet describes ghouls (pey can be singular or plural) as frightening, capricious beings who attend Shiva’s dance at the cremation ground. Issues in understanding the poet’s adoption of pey as an identity marker are discussed in the section of this profile on Practices. But the devotional subjectivity Karaikkal Ammaiyar describes in the “Wonder” and the “Garland” is clearly that of a human being who desires to know Shiva.

As her biographer, Cekkilar includes personal identifying information about Karaikkal Ammaiyar that the poetess herself leaves unspoken. According to him, she was born into a wealthy merchant family headed by her father Tanatattan in the town of Karaikkal (Tamils today understand “merchant” to suggest the Chettiar caste), and she was named Punitavati (Punitavati; “Pure One”). Beloved and beautiful, she exhibited devotion to Shiva from her youth; when she came of age her family arranged her marriage to Paramatattan, the son of a successful merchant named Nitipati. One day, Punitavati gave a Shaiva mendicant one of two mangoes that her husband had been saving, because the mendicant was hungry and she had not yet finished cooking lunch. Later, when her husband Paramatattan demanded even the second mango as his luncheon dessert, she appealed to Shiva to provide another. The husband tasted the difference between the first and second mango, and demanded to know the latter’s origin. When she explained, Paramatattan did not believe her and demanded yet another mango; Shiva provided it to her husband’s amazement, but it disappeared as Punitavati tried to hand it to her husband. Convinced that his wife was a capricious goddess, Paramatattan left her permanently under the guise of sailing on a trading journey. After some time, her relatives discovered his location and brought Punitavati to him. To their astonishment, Paramatattan, his new wife, and their daughter (whom he had named Punitavati) prostrated themselves before the original Punitavati, for in the ensuing years Paramatattan had come to reconsider his former wife to be a benevolent goddess. His former wife Punitavati then appealed to Shiva to release her from her beautiful body that she had maintained only for the sake of her husband, and grant her the body of a pey, which the text describes as a “body of bones” (vv. 50, 57; Pechilis 2012:203–04); upon this transformation she sang the “Wonder,” followed by the “Garland.” In this embodiment, she traveled to Shiva’s abode at Mount Kailash in the Himalayas, where she walked up the mountain on her hands. Shiva and his wife Parvati witnessed the unusual sight, and the Lord called out “Mother!” (ammai) to the pey, and she responded by addressing him as “Father” (appā). When the Lord graciously asked her what she desired, she answered: “May those who desire you with undying joyful love not be reborn; if I am born again, may I never forget you; may I sit at your feet, happily singing while you, virtue itself, dance” (vv. 59-60; Pechilis 2012, 204). Shiva directed her to the town of Alankatu (Tiruvalankatu) and promised she would witness his dance there. As she witnessed the beauty of his dance at Alankatu, she composed her two hymns (“Decade-1” and “Decade-2”).

Cekkilar’s brilliant biography does many things. It provides a social context for the saint, enumerating conventional details of identification (caste, class, marital status) that arguably make the poet-saint more accessible to readers. It provides a rationale for calling her Karaikkal Ammaiyar, understood as a reference to her hometown and to Shiva’s address to her on Mount Kailash. It provides us with a glimpse of the circumscribing social expectations for women, especially through its emphasis on propriety, while at the same time it asserts that a woman can become a religious exemplar of supreme devotion to Shiva (Pechilis 2014; 2012: 82–105). It provides a chronology and event contexts in which to locate her compositions. It provides an interpretation of her embodiment as a pey: It is her own wish, expressed to Shiva in response to her husband’s actions, to renounce her youthful body and become a “body of bones.” While the biography creatively deploys images and themes from Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s own poetry, it remains quite distinct from her poetry. Most glaringly, the biography represents the poet as becoming alienated from other people: Her husband leaves her, her transformation to a pey is a miraculous occurrence, people are frightened by her appearance as a pey, she travels by herself to Mount Kailash, and she alone witnesses Shiva’s dance at Tiruvalankatu. Cekkilar promotes the singularity of Karaikkal Ammaiyar; in contrast, in her own poetry she asserts her common humanity and instead promotes the singularity of Shiva.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s poetry describes a devotional subjectivity that is fully engaged with Shiva. Hers is an exploratory attempt to experience affectively the mystical connection between the divine and the human (Pechilis 2013, 2016c), and as such, in her compositions she reflects on both the nature of the divine and the nature of the human self, often raising questions rather than providing answers. One way of interpreting her corpus is to note five major themes in her compositions.

1) Being a servant. In several of her “Wonder” and “Garland” verses, the poet identifies herself as a “servant” (āḷ) to Shiva, or refers to “servants” in the plural, or speaks of performing service to Shiva. If Karaikkal Ammaiyar was indeed the first Shiva-bhakti poet, as tradition claims and scholarship to date supports, then she was the first to establish what became a signature identity, that of servant, in Tamil devotional poetry.

I aspired to only one thing;
I settled on it and left the rest

I kept in my heart only that lord
whose crest bears the Ganga
whose matted locks
are adorned with the sun and moon
whose palm holds the flames—

and I have become his servant. (“Wonder” v. 11; Pechilis 2012, 26)

2) The Heroic Lord. The hierarchy inscribed in the devotional subjectivity of “servant” is reflected in the intensely visual verses that describe Shiva as a heroic lord, such as the poems already provided earlier in this profile. These verses, found in her “Wonder” and “Garland” poems, draw on the heroic deeds of Shiva known from Sanskrit mythology. Karaikkal Ammaiyar especially favors the image of Shiva as the Swallower of Poison as well as the form of Shiva as the Bearer of Ganga. As the former, Shiva swallowed the poison that unexpectedly emerged as the gods and demons churned the ocean of milk in primordial times in order to create the elixir of immortality; his neck bears a blue-black stain from this event. As the Bearer of Ganga, Shiva allowed the celestial Ganga (Ganges) River to come to earth to reward his devotee, but her power was such that she would destroy the earth if she fell on it unobstructed; Shiva compelled the river to pass through his convoluted matted locks, and a gentle stream became the Ganga River on earth. Memorializing this event, Shiva wears a tiny icon of the goddess Ganga in his matted locks. Both of these images feature Shiva as a protector deity whose body is marked with a symbol of these heroic deeds. Karaikkal Ammaiyar also frequently praises Shiva as the Destroyer of the Triple Cities, referring to when he lethally pierced the demonic cities with a single flaming arrow. Her hymns on Tiruvalankatu (“Decade-1” and “Decade-2”) exclusively praise the Shiva as the Dancer, which is discussed under the theme of The Other Side below.

3) Questions. Karaikkal Ammaiyar asks many demanding questions of Shiva, seemingly undermining the hierarchy of lord and subject that the servant identity and praise of the heroic lord would suggest. In “Wonder” and “Garland,” she asks about the god’s many forms and what they mean. She also asks why she is still suffering from life’s afflictions and why Shiva has not favored her with his grace. These questioning verses, found throughout her two poems, describe the oscillation of her devotional subjectivity—her relationship with Shiva is not settled but is instead a fluid and changing one, with the devotee sometimes feeling assurance and sometimes feeling anxious and puzzled. This oscillation was to become a hallmark of bhakti poetry.

4) The Other Side. In this category are verses in the “Wonder” and the “Garland” that speak of Shiva as frightening to some, who are usually described as “others.” The poetess at times asks Shiva to remove fright-inducing emblems, such as replacing the cobra that he wears across his chest with a gold necklace, so that he more conventionally represents benevolence to onlookers. Other verses in this category describe those who are hostile to the worship of Shiva; perhaps these are the same people who would be frightened by his emblems. Yet the poet also insists that a prominent and powerful form of Shiva is as a dancer in the cremation ground at midnight; this image, while mentioned in the “Wonder” and the “Garland,” is the sole image of the Lord in her two hymns on Tiruvalankatu.

In this miserable burning ground
young ghouls (pey) scavenge the desolate theatre,
disappointedly find nothing to eat
and settle for sleep;

while at twilight,
flawlessly in time to the rhythm
of heavenly drums
effortlessly bearing fire in his palm
the beautiful one dances. (“Decade-2” v. 7; Pechilis 2012:34)

In her sustained focus on Shiva as the Dancer in all but one of the twenty-two verses of her hymns on Tiruvalankatu, Karaikkal Ammaiyar distinctively contributed to the early development of the image of Shiva asDancer as itself being worthy of devotion, contemplation and elaboration, and thus to its circulation as a recognized image of his power. In particular, her poetry played a role in expanding the meaning of Shiva’s dance from the mythological stories of a victory dance into a universal cosmic dance. Moreover, through her emphasis on devotional subjectivity, the poetess created a connection between the majestic Lord of the Dance and the here-and-now of the human lifespan (Pechilis 2013, 2016b). The bronze Nataraja (Naarāja) image of Shiva as the Dancer was definitively developed in Tamil south India in the tenth century (Kaimal 1999), and today it is one of the most famous and prized images from the classical art of India. [See image at right from the MET Museum; credits appear below.]

5) Assurances. Many of Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s verses indicate that she considers herself and all other servants of Shiva to have received his grace as salvation from their sorrows, including the sorrow of rebirth (the cycle of sasāra) based on their own actions (the law of karma). Such verses are interspersed throughout the “Wonder” and the “Garland,” creating the sense of oscillation between assurance and anxiety characteristic of bhakti poetry. However, the final verses, known as a signature verse, found at the conclusion of the “Wonder” as well as her two hymns on Tiruvalankatu, offer a concluding reassurance that devotion to Shiva results in spiritual salvation.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s devotional priority was to keep Shiva always in mind. Her poetry does not describe the performance of rituals to Shiva, but instead urges humankind to focus on contemplating his form, nature, essence and power. Her compositions provide hearers or readers with the means to such contemplation, and her signature verses, found at the end of the “Wonder” and her two hymns on Tiruvalankatu, urge hearers or readers to recite her own verses in order to reach Shiva and experience bliss and salvation.

Her two hymns on Tiruvalankatu, however, provide a distinctive dimension to experiencing Shiva: They read as an eyewitness account of Shiva’s dance in the cremation ground. The scene is portrayed as forbidding, with the Lord dancing at midnight in the glow of a funeral pyre that barely illuminates the desolate theatre encircled by thickets of dried and inhospitable plants. Birds of prey and scavenger animals wander at will, screeching and howling their presence. Pey (ghouls), who are known from Sanskrit mythology to be a motley crew of misshapen beings who serve as Shiva’s dedicated attendants, appear here and there, consumed with their own frightful activities.

Whirling,
their eyes and mouths ablaze,
the ghouls perform the tunankai dance in a circle;
their dance is fear-inducing,
in which they eat the flesh of burned corpses.

Dancing in this cremation ground
with leg lifted and anklets ringing
revolving body erect
emitting flames that scatter the foxes
our father resides at Tiru Alankatu. (“Decade-1” v. 7; Pechilis 2012, 191)

And yet the observer, “Karaikkal pey” as she self-identifies in each of the two signature verses to the Tiruvalankatu hymns, remains there in that eerie place. Was she herself a pey? Those who believe so point to the first verse of “Decade-1,” which is a third-person description of a female pey , limning her form as hollowed and bony. This verse could have inspired her biographer Cekkilar, who depicted Karaikkal Ammaiyar as undergoing a bodily transformation into a “bag of bones,” as well as icon makers who created metal images of her with such characteristics to be carried in religious festival processions. While this predominant interpretation is plausible, there is a problem with it insofar as Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s hymns depict the pey as instinctual beings that do not have refined language, which is the antithesis of the devotional subjectivity Karaikkal Ammaiyar describes in the “Wonder” and the “Garland.” This would suggest that she joins the pey at the cremation ground to witness Shiva’s dance, but she does not become a pey herself. It is plausible that in journeying to and remaining at the socially shunned cremation ground at night Karaikkal Ammaiyar chose to appropriate and transform for her own devotional path then-current Tantric practices, which involved going to the cremation ground to become like Shiva (Pechilis 2016a). In Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s hymns, she encounters Shiva himself there, instead of becoming like Shiva. Her hymns suggest that a devotional subjectivity leads to a transformation of consciousness that enables the devotee to appreciate all aspects of the divine, including his awesome power over life and death. Taken as a whole, Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s compositions affirm that visceral knowledge of the finitude of the human lifespan compels one to live life as fully as possible in expressed dedication and service to Shiva.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

One of the major challenges in studying Karaikkal Ammaiyar is to discern her perspective from her own poetry, separate and apart from the hegemony of her biographer Cekkilar’s description of her life. Such a study, to date infrequently undertaken, reveals that the poet had very distinctive humanistic priorities in her creation of a devotional subjectivity. A second challenge is to more completely understand the early medieval historical context of Karaikkal Ammaiyar, including political history (Ali 2004) as well as literary and religious history. A third challenge is to understand in scholarly and historical detail Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s influence and legacy in subsequent developments in Tamil Shiva-bhakti . A fourth challenge is to integrate Karaikkal Ammaiyar’s voice into global knowledge of both women’s history and feminist history (Pechilis 2014).

IMAGES

Image #1: Shiva as Nataraja on the western corner of the southern wall of the temple at Gangaikondacholapuram, India eleventh century. Karaikkal Ammaiyar is to the viewer’s left on the frieze below the Nataraja, seated with three of Shiva’s bhutaganas. She is depicted playing cymbals to Shiva’s dance. Photo taken by and © the author.
Image 2: Detail of Image 1. Photo taken by and © the author.
Image #3: Karaikkal Ammaiyar. India Chola Dynasty bronze ca. late thirteenth century, approx. nine inches height. MET Museum collection, www.metmuseum.org.
Image #4: Shiva Nataraja. India Chola Dynasty bronze ca. eleventh century, approx. twenty-seven inches height. MET Museum collection, www.metmuseum.org.

REFERENCES

Ali, Daud. 2004. Courtly Culture and Political Life in Early Medieval India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Craddock, Elaine. 2010. Śiva’s Demon Devotee: Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Cutler, Norman. 1987. Songs of Experience: The Poetics of Tamil Devotion. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Dehejia, V. 1988. Slaves of the Lord: The Path of the Tamil Saints. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.

Filliozat, Jean. 1982 [1956]. “Introduction.” Pp. 1-14 in Chants dévotionnels tamouls de Kāraikkālammaiyār, ed. and trans. Kārāvelāne. Pondichéry: Institut Français d’Indologie.

Hart, George L., and Hank Heifetz. 1999. The Four Hundred Songs of War and Wisdom: The Puranānūru. New York: Columbia University Press.

Kaimal, Padma. 1999. “Shiva Nataraja: Shifting Meanings of an Icon.” The Art Bulletin 81:390–419.

Kārāvelāne. 1982a [1956]. “Avant-Propos.” Pp. 17-19 in Chants dévotionnels tamouls de Kāraikkālammaiyār, ed. and trans. Kārāvelāne. Pondichéry: Institut Français d’Indologie.

Mahalakshmi, R. 2011. The Making of the Goddess: Korravai-Durgā in the Tamil Traditions. New Delhi: Penguin.

Mahalakshmi, R. 2000. “Outside the Norm, Within the Tradition: Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār and the Tradition of Tamil Bhakti.” Studies in History 16, no. 1: 19–40.

McGlashan, Alastair. 2006. The History of the Holy Servants of the Lord Siva: A Translation of the Periya Purāṇam of Cēkkilār. Oxford: Trafford Publishing.

Nilakanta Sastri, K. A. 1955. A History of South India: From Prehistoric Times to the Fall of Vijayanagar. Madras: Oxford University Press.

Pechilis, Karen. 2016a. “Bhakti and Tantra Intertwined: The Exploration of the Tamil Poetess Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār.” International Journal of Dharma Studies 4, no. 2 (February 2016). Accessed from http://internationaljournaldharmastudies.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s40613-016-0024-x on 10 April 2016.

Pechilis, Karen. 2016b. “The Siva Nataraja Image: Poetic Origins.” Kalakshetra Journal 4:1-16.

Pechilis, Karen. 2016c. “To Body or Not to Body: Repulsion, Wonder and the Tamil Saint Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār.” In Re-Figuring the Body: Embodiment in South Asian Religions, edited by Barbara A. Holdrege and Karen Pechilis, in press. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Pechilis, Karen. 2014. “Devotional Subjectivity and the Fiction of Femaleness: Feminist Hermeneutics and the Articulation of Difference.”  Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 30:99–114.

Pechilis, Karen. “ Śiva as the Lord of Dance: What the Poetess Saw.” Journal of Hindu Studies 6:131–53.

Pechilis, Karen. 2012. Interpreting Devotion: The Poetry and Legacy of a Female Bhakti Saint of India. London: Routledge.

Sanderson, Alexis. 2009. “The Śaiva Age: The Rise and Dominance of Śaivism during the Medieval Period.” Pp. 41-350 in  Genesis and Development of Tantrism, edite by Shingoo Einoo. Institute of Oriental Culture Special Series 23. Tokyo: Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo. Accessed from http://www.alexissanderson.com/uploads/6/2/7/6/6276908/sanderson_2009_the_saiva_age.pdf on 10 April 2016.

Zvelebil, Kamil. 1973. The Smile of Murugan: On Tamil Literature of South India. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

Post Date:
13 April 2016

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