Baha’i Faith

BAHA’I FAITH TIMELINE

1844 (May 22-23):  The Bab’s declaration of mission to Mull a Husayn was made.

1850 (July 8/9):  The Bab was executed.

1852 (August 15):  The Babi remnant split into factions, one of which made an attempt on the life of Nasiri’d Din Shah.

1856-1863:  Baha’u’llah gradually revivified the Babi community.

1863:  Baha’u’llah was moved to Istanbul and then Edirne.

1866:  Baha’u’llah made a formal announcement to be the promised one foretold by the Bab and referred for the first time to his followers as Baha’is. Most of the Babis became his followers.

1892 (May 29):  Baha’u’llah died. He designated his eldest son ‘Abdu’l-Bah a as head of the Faith.

1894:  Ibrahim Kheiralla began Baha’i teaching activity in Chicago. The first Americans converted to Baha’i.

1911-1913:  ‘Abdu’l-Baha undertook two tours of Europe and one of North America.

1921 (November 28):  `Abdu’l-Bah a died.

1922 (January):  Shoghi Effendi was publicly named as Guardian and began the process of consolidating the system of Baha’i administration.

1934-1941:  A campaign of official persecution against the Baha’is in Iran took place.

1937-1944:  The first American Seven Year Plan marked the beginning of systematic Baha’i teaching campaigns. The Baha’i Faith was banned in Nazi Germany.

1938:  There were mass arrests and exile of Baha’is in Soviet Asia.

1953-1963:  The Ten Year ‘Global Crusade’ marked the beginning of a series of international teaching plans.

1957 (November 4):  Shoghi Effendi died in London. The Hands of the Cause assumed leadership of the Baha’i world.

1963 (April 21-22):  The Universal House of Justice was established in Haifa.

1963 (April 28-May 2):  The first Baha’i world congress was held in London.

1970:  All Baha’i institutions and activities were banned in Iraq. The Baha’i International Community gained consultative status with the United Nations’ Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC).

1972:  The Universal House of Justice adopted its Constitution.

1979:  The Islamic revolution in Iran took place. Major persecution of Baha’is began. The House of the B a b was destroyed.

1983:  The Baha’i Office of Social and Economic Development was established. The Baha’i Faith was officially banned in Iran.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

The Baha’i Faith developed out of the earlier Babi movement (Amanat 1989; MacEoin 2009; Smith 1987:5-56; Smith 2007:3-15). This movement centered on a young Iranian merchant, Sayyid ‘Al i-Muhammad Shirazi (1819-1850). He was initially widely regarded as claiming to be the Bab (Gate) to the messianic Hidden Imam of Shi’i Islam (May 1844), his followers thus coming to be called Babis. Later the Bab made explicit claim to be the Mahdi, the return of the Imam himself. However, even the claim to be the Bab was revolutionary in a Shi’i context, as in the presence of the Imam all other authorities (religious and secular) could only retain legitimacy by obedience to him.

From the beginning, Babi missionaries were opposed by high-ranking Shi’i clerics, and several violent incidents occurred. Meanwhile, the Bab sought to gain the support of the Persian king, Muhammad Shah, but was instead imprisoned by the powerful chief minister in a remote fortresses. In the confusion following the death of the Shah in September, 1848, an armed conflict broke out in one of the northern provinces between a large band of Babis and their religious opponents. The Babis fought what they saw as a defensive and sacrificial struggle against the forces of unbelief in an apocalyptic battle heralding the day of judgement. State intervention led to the extirpation of the Babi band, but two further conflicts between the Babis and their enemies convinced the vizier of the new shah to have the Bab executed in July, 1850 as a means of destroying the movement’s primary inspiration.

The surviving Babis continued their activities in secret and broke into several factions following various secondary leaders. One of these factions decided to assassinate the new shah as an act of revenge in August 1852. The attempt was badly bungled, and many Babis were rounded up and imprisoned or killed, including several prominent leaders who were not involved in the assassination plot. The Babi Movement seemed to have been destroyed.

That the movement survived was primarily the achievement of Mirza Husayn-‘Ali Nuri (1817-1892), eventually generally known by his title “Bahá’u’lláh” (The “Glory of God”) (Momen 2007 ; Smith 1987:57-66; Smith 2007:16-23). Although uninvolved in the plot against the Shah, he was thrown into prison and later exiled to what was then Ottoman Iraq. From there he began to correspond extensively with the scattered Babis in Iran. His writings conveyed his own sense of the divine presence and gave reassurance to the demoralized Babis. Less esoteric than the writings of the Bab, they often emphasized the importance of practical morality as well as the mystic path. Increasingly, the movement centered on him. This distressed his young half-brother, Mīrzā Yaḥyā
(1831/2-1912), “Subh-i Azal” (the “Morn of Eternity”), who explicitly claimed leadership of the Babis but led a secret existence separate from them.

The revival of the Babis attracted the attention of the Ottoman authorities, who moved Baha’u’llah and his immediate followers away from close proximity to the Iranian border to the city of Edirne in the Balkans (1863). Here, Baha’u’llah made explicit claim in 1866 to be the promised redeemer prophesied by the Bab. His followers soon came to include most of the remaining Babis in Iran, coming to call themselves Baha’is, while a small minority followed Subh-i Azal and became known as Azali Babis.

Further exile in 1868 saw Baha’u’llah transferred to the prison-city of Akka ( Acre) in what was then Ottoman Syria. He remained in or near Akka for the rest of his life, during which period the Baha’i Faith took shape as an organized religion. Baha’u’llah continued to write extensively, revealing his own code of divine law, outlining his vision for a united and just world, and sending a series of letters to some of the major world leaders proclaiming his mission. Meanwhile, Baha’i migrants and teachers established Baha’i groups in various parts of the Ottoman Empire, as well as in Egypt, Russian Turkestan, and British India and Burma. Effective organization ensured that the now multinational Baha’i groups remained in close contact with Baha’u’llah and that copies of his writings were widely distributed. There was also some printing of Baha’i literature in India (Cole 1998; Momen 2007; Smith 1987:66-99; Smith 2007:23-41).

Baha’u’llah appointed his eldest son, “Abbas” (1844-192), ‘Abdu’l-Baha (the “Servant of Baha”) to lead the Baha’is after his
death (Balyuzi; Smith 2007:43-54). ‘Abdu’l-Bah a was then almost fifty, well known to the Baha’is, and greatly respected as his father’s chief assistant. As a result, the appointment was readily accepted, despite opposition from his own half-brother, Muhammad-‘Ali (1853/4-1937), and a small band of supporters.

The almost thirty years of ‘Abdu’l-Baha’s leadership was a crucial period of change for the Baha’i Faith, most dramatically with the growth of small Baha’i communities in North America and Europe. Although only a few thousand in number, the new Western Baha’is vividly demonstrated the international nature of the Faith and became an extremely active element in Baha’i publishing and teaching activities (Smith 1987:100-14; Smith 2004). ‘Abdu’l-Baha himself was able to visit the Western Baha’is in two lengthy tours in 1911-1913. Meanwhile, in Iran, despite worsening persecution, the Baha’is were able to impress an increasing number of “progressive” Iranians with the relevance of their ideas of social reform, as well as successfully establishing a number of Baha’i schools and furthering the emancipation of women within the community.

With no living sons of his own, ‘Abdu’l-Bah a was in turn succeeded by his eldest grandson, Shoghi Effendi Rabbani (1897-1957), who he appointed as the first in a projected line of “Guardians” of the Faith. Shoghi Effendi’s Guardianship lasted from January, 1922 until his death (Smith 1987:115-28; Smith 2007: 55-69). During his Guardianship, he consolidated a system of elected local and national Baha’i councils (“spiritual assemblies”) to administer the affairs of Baha’ism ; produced a number of significant English-language translations of the writings of Baha’u’llah and ‘Abdu’l-Baha; defined matters of Baha’i doctrine; and oversaw the extension of the buildings and gardens of the “Baha’i World Centre” in the Haifa-Akka area. He also directed a series of increasingly ambitious expansion plans to spread the Faith throughout the world.

Shoghi Effendi died suddenly in 1957. He had no children, and a body of twenty-seven senior Baha’is who he had recently
appointed as “Hands of the Cause” assumed temporary leadership of the Faith pending the election of the Universal House of Justice (an international council referred to in the Baha’i scriptures) in 1963. With successive changes in its elected membership, the Universal House of Justice has remained in charge of the Baha’i community since 1963 (Smith 1987:128-35; Smith 2007:68-77).

The most obvious characteristic of the modern Baha’i Faith is perhaps its internationalization, particularly since the 1950s. Baha’i communities have been established in virtually every country in the world; converts have come from a diverse array of cultural and religious backgrounds; the global following has been estimated to be around five million. Although the Iranian Baha’is, who themselves have been severely persecuted since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, remain an important part of the global Baha’i community, the Baha’is can now rightfully claim to be a worldwide religion. There are particularly large memberships in India and parts of Africa and Latin America. Linked to this development is an increasing range of Baha’i literature addressing a great variety of religious and secular issues (Smith 1987:146-54, 157-95; 2007:78-96).

A second characteristic is the maintenance of the religion’s unity despite challenges to each of the leaders since Baha’u’llah from small and relatively transient, dissident groups. This is seen by Baha’is as evidence of the importance of their doctrine of a Covenant of succession. A third characteristic, evident in Iran since the late nineteenth century and elsewhere since the 1960s, has been the increasing importance of educational and other socio-economic development projects within the Baha’i faith.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Authoritative Baha’i teachings are derived from the original writings of the successive leaders of the Baha’i religion, and in the caseof ‘Abdu’l-Baha , approved transcripts of his public talks. There is no Baha’i sacred or liturgical language. Arabic, Persian and English have a special status as the languages of the original writings of the Baha’i leaders, but access to and understanding of the texts is what is regarded as of primary importance. The result is that extensive translation programs of Baha’i scriptures and other literature have long been an important part of Baha’i endeavour (Smith 2007: 99-105).

The Baha’i Faith is strictly monotheistic. However, because God in essence is unknowable, all human conceptions of God are mere imaginations, which some individuals mistake for reality. Therefore, knowledge of God is primarily to be achieved by way of his messengers: the “Manifestations of God.”

According to the Baha’i view, these Manifestations of God represent the divine presence to humankind. They include Adam, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Muhammad, Zoroaster, Krishna and the Buddha, and for the present age, the Bab, and Baha’u’llah. Each has his own specific mission, but they all also share an “essential unity” that transcends the diversity of the world’s various religions. Each is authoritative and infallible. For Baha’is, the development of the Baha’i Faith forms part of a single overarching history of religion on this planet, a process of ” progressive revelation” that encompasses all of the major world religions. Each of the Manifestations of God has brought divine teachings appropriate to the needs of the people of their own particular time and place (Smith 2007:106-11, 124-32).

Of Baha’i descriptions of the nature of reality, the most striking perhaps is the view that evil has no objective reality other than in the evil deeds of human beings. There is no devil or satan, nor evil spirits nor demonic possession. Rather God’s creation is good. It is human rebellion against God that generates evil.

For Baha’is, human beings possess both a physical body and a non-material, rational soul. The soul is the essential inner reality of each human being. It comes into existence at the time of conception, and enters a new existence after death. All human beings can realize their inherent spiritual potential if they turn to God and seek to acquire spiritual qualities.

Individuals achieve different levels of spiritual development as a consequence of their choices. These levels are symbolically described in terms of “heaven” and “hell,” which in reality are states of soul rather than physical places. Thus, those who are close to God are in “heaven,” while those who are distant from him are in “hell,” a distinction that applies in both this life and the afterlife (Smith 2007:117-23).

For Baha’is, Baha’u’llah came to unite all the peoples of the world; bring together the followers of the world’s religions; and establish the future millennial age, which has been prophesied in all religions (Smith 2007:133-47). This ideal ultimately requires a spiritual transformation of humankind, but the Baha’is point to various pragmatical and proximate means to work towards this vision. These include:

1. The achievement of world peace in a united world, which includes such mechanisms as armament reductions, much of the work of the United Nations, and the promotion of tolerance and freedom from all religious and racial prejudices.

2. The establishment of social order and justice, which includes the promotion of good governance, the rule of law, and the protection of the poor and downtrodden at national and international levels.

3. The advancement of women. For Baha’is, men and women are equal in the sight of God, and the human race as a whole can only progress if both sexes have full opportunity to realize their potentials. The oppression of woman, wherever it occurs, prevents that progress.

4. Education. Both religious-moral and “secular” education are required for the individual and for society as a whole to advance. Universal access to education is seen as a fundamental right, with the education of girls, as potential mothers and hence their own children’s first educators, being of particular importance.

5. The role of religion. Solutions to the world’s problems depend on a combination of “spiritual” and “material” principles. Materialism and secularism are destructive social forces in the modern world, but religion itself should be shorn of fanaticism, bigotry and superstition.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

For Baha’is, spirituality and morality are linked together in the concept of the spiritual “path,” whereby the individual believer strives to develop spiritual-moral qualities (Smith 2007:151-56). Rather than provide a rigid code of behavior, the Baha’i teachings mostly state general principles, with the premise that individual Baha’is should use their own consciences and understanding to apply these principles in the particular contexts of their own lives.

Central to this path is that Baha’is should turn to God and find the divine light present in all human beings within themselves. Prayer and contemplation of the Baha’i scriptures are means to this end. Baha’is should also review their own actions, bringing themselves to account each day.

Relationships with other people are a crucial part of the spiritual path. Baha’is should strive to be loving to all human beings of whatever religion, race, or community; they should exercise such qualities as loyalty, compassion and selflessness, truthfulness and trustworthiness. They should completely avoid envy, malice, backbiting and all forms of dishonesty. Baha’is should be tolerant of others, particularly in matters of religion. Fanaticism and “unreasoning religious zeal” are condemned.

Being a Baha’i also involves following Baha’i law (Smith 2007:158-74). The main elements are:

1. Personal obligations towards God. These obligations include daily prayer and reading of Baha’i scripture; an annual nineteen day fast from sunrise to sunset for those who are fit and well; and payment of Huququ’llah (the “Right of God”), a form of voluntary tithe on increases in net assets for those who are sufficiently wealthy.

2. The sanctity of marriage and family life. A Baha’i marriage requires the consent of both the couple and their parents, with this latter permission being required so as to strengthen ties between family members. Baha’i marriage is monogamous. Child marriage is not allowed. Divorce is permitted, but strongly discouraged. Parents must ensure the education of their children. All forms of injustice and violence within the family are condemned.

3. Aspects of individual life. The sexual impulse can only be legitimately expressed in marriage. All forms of pre- and extra-marital sexual relationships are thus forbidden, as is the practice of homosexuality. Alcohol, opiates and other psychoactive drugs are also forbidden, unless prescribed by a physician. Tobacco smoking is discouraged but not forbidden. There is no required use of Baha’i symbols of identity.

4. Relationship to civil society and the state. Baha’is are required to follow the law of the countries in which they reside unless these laws require them to deny their faith or violate fundamental Baha’i principles. They must strictly avoid sedition and avoid any party-political involvement.

5. Sanctions. In general, observance of most Baha’i laws is regarded as a matter of individual conscience, and only extreme and public breaches of the law are normally sanctioned. Normally sanctions take the form of depriving the individual of the right to participate in Baha’i elections and contribute to the Baha’i funds. Only national spiritual assemblies can deprive an individual of his or her voting rights, and normally this is only a last resort.

One focus for Baha’i identity are the variety of activities organized by local Baha’i communities, including regular “Nineteen Day Feasts” during which members of the local Baha’i community come together to pray and consult on matters of concern. Another is the celebration of the Baha’i holy days commemorating events in the lives of the Bab, Baha’u’llah and `Abdu’l-Baha. Baha’is have their own calendar, consisting of nineteen months each of nineteen days (361 days), with four or five “intercalary days” to make a solar year. The new year is the ancient Iranian new year of Naw-Ruz, normally March 21 at the spring equinox. The first year of the calendar is 1844, the year of the Bab’s declaration; therefore, the Baha’i year 170, for example, began at Naw-Ruz 2013.

Various sites associated with the Bab, Baha’u’llah and ‘Abdu’l-Baha are considered holy by Baha’is, the most important being the various holy places at the Baha’i World Center in the Haifa-Akka area. Many Baha’is endeavour to make a pilgrimage to these sites at least once in their lifetimes. Some of these places are also open to the general public, the “Baha’i Gardens” in Haifa having become a major tourist destination. The Shrine of Baha’u’llah at Bahj’i is the Baha’i “qiblah” (the “point of adoration”) to which Baha’is throughout the world turn when the say their daily obligatory prayers. Important Baha’i sites in Iran are either inaccessible or have been destroyed by the authorities since the establishment of the Islamic Republic (Smith 2007:157-58, 187-97).

All Baha’is are encouraged to ” promote the Faith” and gain new adherents through the teaching and proclamation of the Baha’i teachings, but this should be non-disputatious and avoid heavy-handed proselytizing. Some Baha’is spend considerable periods of time as “travel teachers,” travelling from one place to another to teach their faith, while others “pioneer” to commence or support Baha’i activities in new locations. There are no full-time professional Baha’i promoters of the Faith.

There is a lot of Baha’i activity in support of its vision of social reconstruction. This includes the promotion of religious tolerance; the advancement of women; the development of education (there are a number of Baha’i schools and at least one college worldwide open to people of all religions); literacy training; and socio-economic development, with particular emphasis on sparking change at the grassroots level (Smith 2007:198-210).

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

The various local and national Baha’i communities are structured around the Baha’i Administrative Order under the overall guidance and direction of the Universal House of Justice (Smith 2007:175-86). There are two branches: a system of annually elected nine-member local and national spiritual assemblies, which organize and administer the collective lives of the Baha’is in their respective communities, and the various “institutions of the learned” (an International Teaching Centre in Haifa, and appointed individuals at continental and local levels), who are concerned with enthusing and advising the Baha’is.

The Baha’i writings frequently emphasize the need for the Baha’i administration to embody a specific “spirit of humility” and free consultation. This ideally involves all community members and is regarded as an essential means whereby individual voices can be heard and a variety of views examined dispassionately. There are also appeals procedures for those Baha’is who wish to question the decisions of their local and national spiritual assemblies.

Funding for Baha’i activities comes from both the Huququ’llah system (above) and the voluntary contribution of the Baha’is to various funds at local, national, continental and international levels. All contributions are a strictly personal matter, determined purely by the dictates of conscience. Only Baha’is are allowed to contribute to funds supporting the direct work of the Faith.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

The Baha’i Faith is now a worldwide movement and the challenges which face Baha’i communities in one part of the world may be quite different from those in another. For the Baha’is in the Middle East the key issue is religious freedom. In Iran, the Baha’is have faced an ongoing campaign of persecution ever since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Despite being the largest religious minority in the country, they have faced waves of arrests of their leaders and particularly active members (around 200 of whom have been murdered or executed); the banning of all their activities; and the attempt to totally exclude them from all aspects of civic life (including education and the burial of their dead). Considerable difficulties have also been encountered by the Egyptian Baha’is, who have also been denied many civil rights.

By contrast, while the Baha’is in the West have often been able to gain considerable public attention and sympathy, their numbers have generally remained small, leading to anxieties in some circles about the failure to achieve a greater impact. A small number of Western Baha’is have also expressed discontent over Baha’i practices that they deem illiberal, notably the restriction of membership of the Universal House of Justice to men and the prohibition on homosexual activity, including homosexual marriage. Intellectual tensions have also surfaced about “academic” interpretations of the Faith.

It is very difficult to make any generalizations about the very diverse Baha’i communities of the Third World. In a number there are certainly practical challenges in consolidating a national Baha’i community with limited resources and in dealing with harsh social realities, including the displacement of refugees, poverty and crime.

REFERENCES

Amanat, Abbas. 1989. Resurrection and Renewal: The Making of the Babi Movement in Iran, 1844-1850. Ithica, NY: Cornell University Press.

Balyuzi, H. M. 1971.`Abdu’l-Baha: The Centre of the Covenant of Baha’u’llah. London: George Ronald.

Cole, Juan R. I. 1998. Modernity and the Millennium: The Genesis of the Baha’i Faith in the Nineteenth-Century Middle East. New York: Columbia University Press.

MacEoin, Denis. 2009. The Messiah of Shiraz: Studies in Early and Middle Babism. Leiden: Brill.

Momen, Moojan. 2007. Baha’u’llah: A Short Biography. Oxford: Oneworld.

Smith, Peter. 2007. An Introduction to the Baha’i Faith, Its History and Teachings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Smith, Peter. 2004. “The Baha’i Faith in the West: A Survey.” Pp. 3-60 in Baha’is in the West: Studies in the Babi and Baha’i Religions, vol 14, edited by Peter Smith. Los Angeles: Kalimat Press.

Smith, Peter. 1987. The Babi and Baha’i Religions: From Messianic Shi‘ism to a World Religion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

ADDITIONAL RESOURCES

Brookshaw, Dominic Parviz and Fazel, Seena B., eds. 2008. The Baha’is of Iran: Socio-Historical Studies. London: Routledge.

Momen, Moojan. 1996. The Baha’i Faith: A Short Introduction. Oxford: Oneworld.

Momen, Wendi and Moojan Momen. 2005. Understanding the Baha’i Faith. Edinburgh: Dunedin Academic Press.

Smith, Peter. 2000. A Concise Encyclopedia of the Baha’i. Oxford: Oneworld.

Warburg, Margit. 2006. Citizens of the World: A History and Sociology of the Baha’is in Globalization Perspective. Leiden: Brill.

Post Date:
6 May 2013

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BAPS Shri Swaminarayan Mandir (Atlanta)

BAPS SHRI SWAMINARAYAN MANDIR TIMELINE

1980s:  A small number of BAPS devotees in the Atlanta area met weekly for worship in one another’s homes.

1988:  BAPS devotees purchased a skating rink in Clarkson, Georgia and refurbished it as a mandir.

1980s:  The number of Indian immigrants in the U.S. grew dramatically.

2000 (February):  A twenty-nine acre plot of land was purchased just outside of Atlanta in Lilburn, Georgia to serve as the site for the planned mandir.

2000 (February):  Pramukh Swami Maharaj performed a religious ritual (puja) to sanctify the land for the mandir construction.

2004:  Pramukh Swami Maharaj arrived in Atlanta for a visit.

2005 (September):  Ground was broken for the mandir construction.

2007 (August):  The mandir was formally inaugurated.

HISTORY

A major wave of Asian immigration into the United States occurred during the 1980s, and Indian immigrants were a significant component of that immigration (Barringer 1990). In 1960, there were about 12,000 Indian immigrants in the U.S.; that number increased to 51,000 in 1970, 206,000 in 1980, and 450,000 in 1990 (Terrazas and Batog 2010). In 2010, the Indian population in Atlanta surpassed 100,000 by 2010 (Li 2013). Many of these immigrants were at least nominally Hindu.

Originating in India in 1907, one of the most visible Hindu immigrant groups in the U.S. has been the Swaminarayan tradition. As Melton (2011:8) summarizes Swaminarayan tradition’s domestic and international growth: “It has emerged out of Gujarat to become a national movement, initially following the twentieth century dispersion of Gujaratis throughout India while also attracting many non-Gujaratis to its relatively modern, reformist, and communally active outlook. One of the most visible sectarian representations of the Swaminarayan tradition in the U.S. is Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (most commonly, BAPS).

Currently, BAPS is estimated to include worldwide over 1,000,000 devotees, nearly 1,000 sadhus, over 3,000 mandirs and BAPS congregations, thousands of weekly assemblies, and very active humanitarian and charitable activity. BAPS is represented in over forty nations around the world. Fenton (1988) estimates there were a few dozen Swaminarayan families in the Atlanta area by the mid-1980s. By the early 2000s the number of worshipers approached 1,000 with much larger gatherings on feast days. BAPS devotees were included in that set of families.

The BAPS determination to build a mandir began during the 1980s when devotees purchased a skating rink in Clarkson, Georgiaand refurbished it as a mandir in 1988. Until the 1990s, sadhus were not allowed outside of India, but two regional sadhus took up residence adjacent to the new mandir in the early 1990s. As the number of BAPS devotees and their financial resources grew, devotees began to aspire to constructing a new mandir in the Atlanta area. For BAPS devotees, mandirs represent an important form of devotional expression and a means of promoting the survival of Swaminarayan Hinduism. With the support of their spiritual leader, Pramukh Swami Maharaj, the BAPS community began to plan for the construction of a carved stone mandir (shikharbaddh) (Kim 2010:367). As Kim observes, BAPS satsangis and leaders are continuously striving to improve their youth groups, publications, and methods of teaching Swaminarayan upasana for its transnational communities. Also, BAPS constantly seeks to improve the appeal and accessibility of its numerous programs and materials for both its followers and broader publics. The new temples have become a focal point for these developments” (Kim 2011:369). One expression of devotion and sacrifice by BAPS devotees is the rapid construction of new mandirs, which often takes place in two years or less and involves extensive volunteer labor.

In the case of the Shri Swaminarayan Mandir just outside of Atlanta, land for the mandir was purchased in 2000, and that samemonth Pramukh Swami Maharaj performed a religious ritual (puja) to sanctify the land for the mandir construction. Pramukh Swami Maharaj returned to Atlanta in 2004 for a week’s visit, and the following year construction began. The temple was completed in less than two years, and in August 2007 the mandir was formally inaugurated.

DOCTRINES/RITUALS

The BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha self identifies as both a civic and religious organization that promotes harmony at the individual, family, and community levels, preserves its cultural heritage and offers humanitarian services. These include (“BAPS Shri Swaminarayan Mandir Atlanta” n.d.):

Caring for their spiritual, cultural, social, physical, emotional, and educational needs.

Inspiring all towards a pure and peaceful way of life; filled with character, love, tolerance and harmony.

Sustaining the universal values of Hindu culture.

Fostering faith and devotion in God.

In addition to the festivals and celebrations that are held throughout the year, worship rituals (bhakti), such as a morning bath followed by a puja, Ãrti, darshan, and satsang are offered daily.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

The Shri Swaminarayan Mandir in Atlanta is an impressive 32,000 square-foot temple. It is constructed out of over 4,500 tons of Italian Carrara marble, 4,300 tons of Turkish limestone, and 3,500 tons of Indian pink sandstone. The stone was quarried in the three respective nations and then shipped to India where carved craftsmen sculpted it into 35,000 separate pieces that were then shipped to Atlanta. The stone pieces from which the mandir is constructed interlock and therefore require no screws, nails or other fasteners. Nearly 1,000 volunteers joined over 1,000 craftsmen, investing over 1,000,000 hours of labor, in assembling the mandir, a process that was completed in less than two years (Grundhauser n.d.). A two-ton keystone was placed in the ceiling of the mandir’s central dome. Once completed the mandir now contains six tall pinnacles, 86 decorative ceilings, 116 archways, and 340 columns (Grundhauser n.d.).

The Shri Swaminarayan Mandir in Atlanta contains the following murtis:

Bhagwan Swaminarayan and Aksharbrahman Gunatitanand Swami
Shri Ghanshyam Maharaj
Shri Radha-Krishna Dev
Shri Harikrishna Maharaj
Brahmaswarup Bhagatji Maharaj
Brahmaswarup Shastriji Maharaj
Brahmaswarup Yogiji Maharaj
Pragat Brahmaswarup Pramukh Swami Maharaj
Shri Sita-Ram Dev and Shri Hanumanji
Shri Shiva-Parvati Dev and Shri Ganeshji

The Atlanta BAPS shikharabaddha mandir contains a variety of facilities beyond the structures containing the murtis. Kim (2011:371) writes that all shikharabaddha mandirs include:

a large meeting hall, kitchen, residence for sadhu s, classrooms, and sometimes a gymnasium. In the mandir s located in the West, there is also a component known as the “Exhibition.”…In the shikharabaddha mandir s constructed outside of India, the Exhibition is a consciously created space, designed like a museum, with appropriate lighting and labels, and topical sections. The sections introduce visitors to Hinduism and its world contributions, outline the histories of the original Swaminarayan sampradaya and BAPS Swaminarayan bhakti , and provide suggestions on living a life of “moral excellence.”

At the time it was constructed, the Shri Swaminarayan Mandir in Atlanta was the third shikharabaddha in the U.S. (preceded by mandirs in Houston and Chicago). It was also the largest Hindu temple outside of India. Since the Atlanta mandir’s construction an even larger BAPS shikharabaddha has been constructed in Los Angeles.

The spiritual leader of the Shri Swaminarayan Mandir in Atlanta is Pramukh Swami Maharaj, who is regarded as the fifth spiritual successor of Swaminarayan. Pramukh Swami Maharaj is understood to have achieved the ultimate level of spiritual development (brahmanized) and in constant communication with God. He is the key spiritual link between BAPS devotees and God.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

There has been some controversy over the construction of houses of worship in Lilburn, primarily mosques but also a mandir proposed by the Swaminarayan Satsang Mandir of Atlanta (Esterl 2011; “Gwinnett says no to Hindu Temple” 2006). By contrast, the Shri Swaminarayan Mandir has largely been welcomed. The mayor commented that “Lilburn has become a very diverse community, very international. As community leaders, we’ve embraced that diversity, and so we welcome it and see it as a very positive sign…” (Lohr 2007). The response from visitors has been one of awe: “Once inside the Mandir for the prayer service, we couldn’t help feeling possessed by the karmic field emanating from statued deities, impassioned revelers, glassy stone surfaces, theatrical up-lighting, and soporific music. Standing outside after the ceremony, we couldn’t help but marvel at the building’s unlikely surroundings that render it incongruent and otherworldly” (Sauser and LeFrancoi 2010).

The larger challenges for the Shri Swaminarayan Mandir in Atlanta are very much like those of other Asian Indian temples in the West, preserving its Indian heritage and fitting into its contemporary diasporic environment. BAPS recognizes the future of its movement depends upon transmitting the tradition, its cultural, linguistic and religious heritage, to future generations (Rudert 2004:2, 9). Rudert (2004:10) cites literature produced by the mandir that explicitly prioritizes this goal:

To nurture and train the children so they grow up to be peaceful and thoughtful citizens . . . The children are exposed to the glories of Indian Culture and Hindu traditions through audio video presentations.
and

To keep the young from falling victims to the dangerous diseases like aggression, disobedience and intoxication, that destroy character and life, and to preserve the value of Indian Culture for our future generations, our Youth Center plays a vital role.

With respect to accommodation, Kim (2011: 379) states that it is “accommodation without compromise to its central tenets that has allowed BAPS mandir s to be constructed wherever satsangis have settled.” The dual objectives are that The BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha hopes to make Hinduism an approachable and appealing religion for all visitors and yet it also seeks to sharpen awareness of its own devotional tradition (Kim 2011:379).

REFERENCES

Abney, Kate. 2015. “Explore Georgia’s Unexpected Attractions.” Atlanta Magazine , May 4. Accessed from
http://www.atlantamagazine.com/georgiatravel/explore-georgias-unexpected-attractions/ on 9 June 2015.

“BAPS Shri Swaminarayan Mandir Atlanta.” n.d. All Hindu Temples. Accessed from
http://allhindutemples.com/city/georgia/hindu_temple/baps-shri-swaminarayan-mandir-atlanta/ on 9 June 2015.

Barringer, Felicity. 1990. “Asian Population in U.S. Grew by 70% in the 80’s.” New York Times, March 2. Accessed from http://www.nytimes.com/1990/03/02/us/asian-population-in-us-grew-by-70-in-the-80-s.html on 9 June 2015.

Esterl, Mike. 2011. “ Mosque Zoning Row Draws Scrutiny: Georgia City’s Opposition to Muslim Center Probed as Justice Department Steps Up Focus on Religious Property Disputes.” Wall Street Journal, August 13. Accessed fromhttp://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424053111904823804576504220337373868 on 20 June 2015.

Grundhauser, Eric. n.d. “ BAPS Shri Swaminarayan Mandir Atlanta.” Atlas Obscura. Accessed from http://www.atlasobscura.com/places/baps-shri-swaminarayan-mandir-atlanta-2 on 9 June 2015 .

Gwinnett S ays N o to Hindu Temple.” 2006. The Atlanta Constitution, June 27. Accessed from http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/news/1658489/posts on 20 June 2015.

Kim, Hanna. 2010. “Public Engagement and Personal Desires: BAPS Swaminarayan Temples and their Contribution to the Discourses on Religion.” International Journal of Hindu Studies 13:357–90.

Li, Ivy. 2013. “The Indian State of Georgia: Hindu Temples in the South Offer Open Places of Worship.” Hyphen Magazine , Spring. Accessed from http://www.hyphenmagazine.com/magazine/issue-26-south-spring-2013/indian-state-georgia on 20 June 2015 .

Lohr, Kathy. 2007. “Gleaming Hindu Temple to Open in Atlanta Suburb.” NPR, August 15. Accessed from http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=12753002 on 20 June 2015.

Melton, J. Gordon. 2011. “ New New Religions in North America: The Swaminarayan Family of Religions.” P aper presented at the annual meeting of the Center for Studies of New Religions (CESNUR), Aletheia University, Danshui, Taiwan, June 21-23.

Rudert, Angela. 2004. Inherent Faith and Negotiated Power: Swaminarayan Women in the United States. MA Thesis. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University.

Sauser, Jeff and Josh LeFrancoi. 2010. “ BAPS Mandir: Politics, Peace, and Harmony in Atlanta’s Suburbs.” BURNAWAY, March 13. Accessed from http://burnaway.org/feature/baps-mandir-politics-peace-and-harmony-in-atlantas-suburbs/ on 20 June 2015.

Terrazas, Aaron and Cristina Batog. 2010. “Indian Immigrants in the United States.” Migration Policy Institute, June 9. Accessed from http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/indian-immigrants-united-states-1 on 9 June 2015.

Authors:
David G. Bromley
Suchi Shah

Post Date:
24 June 2015

BAPS SHRI SWAMINARAYAN MANDIR VIDEO CONNECTIONS

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Benny Hinn Ministries

BENNY HINN MINISTRIES TIMELINE

1952 (December 3):  Toufik Benedictus (Benny) Hinn was born in Jaffa, Israel.

1968:  Following the Arab-Israeli War, Hinn’s family emigrated to Toronto, Canada.

1972 (February):  Hinn had a conversion experience whereby he became a born-again Christian.

1973 (December):  Hinn attended a healing service conducted by Kathryn Kuhlman in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

1979:  Hinn moved to Orlando, Florida, where he met and married Suzanne Harthern, the daughter of a local pastor, on August 4 of the same year.

1983:  Hinn founded the Orlando Christian Center

1989:  Hinn held his first nationally televised faith healing service in Flint, Michigan.

1990:  Hinn’s television program, “This Is Your Day,” began airing daily on the Trinity Broadcasting Network.

1993 (March 2):  Hinn’s ministry underwent its first investigation, conducted by Inside Edition, exploring the legitimacy of Hinn’s healing powers as well as allegations regarding the misappropriation of funds.

1993:  Ole Anthony traveled to Orlando to conduct an interview with Hinn, during which he vowed to medically verify and authenticate all miracles prior to airing them on television.

1994 (June 10):  Hinn “healed” professional and former World Heavyweight Champion boxer Evander Holyfield of a heart condition.

1999:  Hinn handed over his church, since renamed the World Outreach Center, to Clint Brown and moved to Grapevine, Texas.

2001 (April):  HBO aired an investigation of Hinn entitled A Question of Miracles .

2004 (November):  The Fifth Estate aired a documentary titled “Do You Believe in Miracles,” revealing an ostensible misappropriation of funds as well as dubious healing practices within Hinn’s ministry.

2007 (February 13-15):  Hinn held the largest recorded faith healing service in history, the “Festival of Blessings,” in Mumbai, India.

2007 (November 6):  U.S. Senator Chuck Grassley announced an investigation of six televangelists, including Benny Hinn, by the United States Senate Committee on Finance.

2010 (February 1):  Benny Hinn and wife Suzanne filed divorce papers, citing “irreconcilable differences.”

2013 (March 3):  Benny and Suzanne remarried at the Holy Land Experience Church in Orlando, Florida.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Toufik Benedictus Hinn was born on December 3, 1952 in Jaffa, Israel, a coastal city located in modern-day Tel Aviv, to a Greekfather and an Armenian mother. According to personal accounts, being raised in the Greek Orthodox tradition, he answered to “Benny” from a young age due to discomfort with having an Arabic first name. While little is known of his early years, he has written that despite being afflicted with an acute speech impediment during childhood, which isolated him socially, he was able to thrive academically at the College de Frere elementary school in Jaffa . At the age of fourteen, shortly following the Arab-Israeli War of 1967 (also known as the Six-Day War) he, his parents, and seven siblings emigrated to Canada, settling in Toronto. While attending the Georges Vanier High school just north of the city, Benny became involved in a religious group that planted the seeds of his evangelical career. Attending prayer meetings regularly, where he occasionally taught the Gospel. Hinn “surrendered his heart and life to Jesus Christ,” becoming a born-again Christian in February of 1972. His parents feared he was becoming a “fanatic,” particularly after he dropped out of high school the same year (“About” n.d.). Shortly thereafter, Hinn underwent two more transformative experiences; the first occurred when he claimed to have received a divine appeal to minister the Gospel. The second occurred in December of 1973 during a trip to Pittsburgh , Pennsylvania where he attended a healing service conducted by Kathryn Kuhlman. Hinn claims that while on the pilgrimage, he was assigned to assist an elderly woman crippled by arthritis who, before his eyes, lost “all pain in her legs and ‘untwist[ed]’, as he put it (Bloom 2003:3). Recalling this experience, Hinn acknowledges Kuhlman’s influence in driving him towardfaith healing. He would eventually author a book titled Kathryn Kuhlman: Her Spiritual Legacy and Its Impact on my Life, displaying an inspiration also apparent in his adoption of techniques used in her services, such as “her practice of ‘slaying in the Spirit’ and her use of ‘word of knowledge,’ both of which Hinn uses extensively.” Hinn has stated that Kuhlman has “appeared to him from beyond the grave to give him encouragement and ministerial direction,” although he never met her in person, and those familiar with the services of the two healers have noted a similarity in their manners of speaking, stage presence, and even choice of wardrobe (Peters 2009:1). Upon returning to Toronto with a crystallized mission, Hinn began preaching evangelical services on a local television program. The program’s success led him to expand his teaching to Orlando, Florida (“Do You Believe in Miracles” 2004).

Hinn moved to Orlando 1979, where he met Suzanne Harthern, the daughter of a local pastor, and the two were married on August 4 of that same year. He founded the Orlando Christian Center in 1983; he developed and refined the structure of his self-proclaimed “faith healing” services, propelling him to international recognition. Throughout the decade, Hinn’s ministry grew steadily. He began conducting services in venues across the globe, eventually undertaking scheduled tours that he referred to as “miracle crusades” (Bloom 2003:4). His first nationally televised healing service aired in 1989 from Flint , Michigan , the success of which landed him a television show, “This Is Your Day,” which typically features, in addition to the reading of and responding to viewers’ letters, highlights from Hinn’s miracle crusades (Peters 2009). By the time he passed leadership of the Orlando Christian Center (since renamed the World Outreach Center) to Clint Brown in 1999, the success of “This Is Your Day,” along with that of his book, Good Morning, Holy Spirit (1990), had projected Hinn to levels of recognition unprecedented in his career. On his increasingly frequent crusades, he would fill stadiums and auditoriums capable of holding thousands of believers and skeptics alike, sometimes multiple times a day.

Hinn had also begun to attract the attention and support of celebrities. One of these was former World Heavyweight Champion boxer Evander Holyfield, who attended one of Hinn’s services in Philadelphia, Florida, seeking a cure for a recently-diagnosed heart condition that had endangered his career. At the service, held on June 10, 1994, Holyfield was invited on stage. After Holyfield described the nature of his disorder, Hinn reportedly laid his hands on him and, “in full view of the thousands of people in the audience, shook his head and told Evander that there was nothing wrong with his heart” (“You are healed…” 2011). Shortly thereafter, Holyfield underwent an extensive series of tests at the Mayo Clinic, which determined that rather than having been born with a heart condition, the complications had arisen from improper medication following his last fight, but that it was nonetheless a miracle that he had survived and healed so quickly. Holyfield subsequently reimbursed Benny Hinn Ministries with a check for $265,000, and he has spoken out in support of Hinn on multiple occasions.

Following Hinn’s resignation as leader of the World Outreach Center in 1999, he and his family relocated to Grapevine, Texas. On February 1, 2010, Hinn and his wife, Suzanne, filed for divorce, citing “irreconcilable differences.” However, when brought together at a family reunion in 2011, the couple began to settle their disagreements, and the two were remarried at the Holy Land Experience Church in Orlando, Florida on March 3, 2013. They settled in Southern California, “strategically near the ministry-owned television studio and church in Aliso Viejo” (“Benny Hinn Author Profile” n.d.).

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

The doctrines that Benny Hinn professes in his ministry are eclectic and unsystematic as they are a drawn from various individuals and variants of Christianity. Hunt (2000a:74) characterizes Hinn’s ministries as constituting “almost a `movement within a movement’ and have their own style and ethos, beliefs and practices that are exemplified by the `health and wealth’ gospel which, in many respects, is congruent with contemporary cultural values.” The ministry has also been described as Evangelical “on the fringe of Pentecostalism” (Bloom 2003:2). In developing his distinctive theology, Hinn has often made claims that he asserts stem from Divine Revelation. Some of these revelations, such as “that women were originally designed to give birth out of their sides and that there are nine members of the Godhead” distance him considerably from conventional Christian teachings (Peters 2009:2; Stewart n.d.). In recent years, Hinn has increased the prominence of Gospel teaching in his services despite lacking formal education or ministerial training. He has also issued a number of prophetic statements, such as predicting an imminent endtime and the destruction of homosexuals, which subsequently were not confirmed. At the same time, however, Hinn does not claim to personally possess any prophetic or healing capabilities, but rather he asserts that God speaks to and acts through him (Fisher and Goedelman 1996).

Healing services are at the heart of Hinn’s ministry, and they rely heavily on the Prosperity Gospel and Word of Faith doctrines, which have now spread worldwide (Hunt 2000a, 2000b). In North America, this tradition is represented by figures such as Kenneth Hagin (widely regarded as the “father” of Word of Faith movement), Kenneth and Gloria Copeland, Rodney Howard Brown, and Paula White.

Word of Faith doctrine teaches that spiritual knowledge is ultimate truth and is superior to empirical or sense knowledge. In some strands of the tradition, upon which Hinn draws, God established certain rights for all humans at the time of creation, and God honors those rights. The rights, which were lost at the Fall of humankind, may be regained and activated in the present day through prayer and the force of faith. God will grant believers personal health (physical, emotional, or relational) and prosperity if they express committed faith through “positive confession.” As Hunt (2000a:74) summarizes the doctrine, “the teachings insist that God provides for their physical and material needs, along with their spiritual needs, if His commandments are heeded and there is sufficient faith.” Examples of common positive confessions related to prosperity include “I’ll never be broke another day in my life,” I am expecting supernatural increase this week,” and “I am expecting supernatural debt cancellation this week” (Harrison 2005:4).

A basic belief is that “spoken words are containers of the substance of faith,” and that those with faith can actually talk actions, objects, or circumstances into reality (Peters 2009:2). The spoken word, “rhema,” refers to “the direct revelation of God’s intents, purposes, promises, power, and very character through scripture…” (Harrison 2005:7). Believers express their needs and promises to God as acts of faith and agreements with God, and these may be confessed before they become material realities. As Benny Hinn has asserted, “faith works as a mighty power or force,” and health, healing, and prosperity can be obtained through, and only through, faith (“Benny Hinn” 1997). If positive confessions are not realized, believers typically conclude that results have been impeded by a lack of faith, a failure to follow God’s word, or a “negative confession.”

RITUALS/PRACTICES

The pivotal ritual events organized by Benny Hinn Ministries are faith healing services. Hinn began shaping his preaching technique after founding the Orlando Christian Center in 1983. Prior to conducting healings, Hinn would dramatically recite scripture in a manner sources have compared to “tent revival meetings of the 19th century,” often also speaking in tongues. He later abandoned glossolalia when his services began to be televised (Bloom 2003:5).

A typical contemporary Benny Hinn Ministries healing service begins in a dimly lit sanctuary with a soft musical backdrop and a repeated vocalization of:

“He touched me, oh, He touched me,
And, oh, the joy that filled my soul!
Something happened and now I know
He touched me, and made me whole…”

Hinn then enters the stage to the strains of the spiritual song “How Great Thou Art.” An animated Hinn moves around the stage announcing the presence of God and the healing potential in the building. He also typically speaks of the current and future state of a sinful world, often noting or predicting natural disasters and disease that are signs of God’s displeasure with human sinfulness. Hinn offers protection to those with faith in the power of the Lord (Bloom 2003:5; Nickell 2002). At some services Hinn has gone into a trance-like state during which he has proclaimed that God is speaking to him, that angels are present in the room, or that demons are flying out of the building.

During the healing portion of services Hinn will typically heal members of the audience “en masse” from the stage. He may announce a specific ailment, such as cancer, the “demon of suicide,” or even witchcraft that is being expelled from the arena. Alternatively he may refer to an area of the body or a section of the audience that is being healed. Hinn also has proclaimed that “he need not name every disease or body part, that God’s power was affecting a multitude of cures all over the arena” (Nickell 2002; Hunt 2000). Consistent with the Word of Faith tradition, healing extends beyond physical conditions to financial circumstances. As Hunt (2000:82) notes, “ There may be an attempt to deal with bank overdrafts or financial insecurity. Bank balances may be commanded to `come in line’ with the `power of Jesus’. Being `in the red’ may be dismissed as `a lie of the devil’. Hands might be lain on members of the congregation for the ‘multiplying of finances’, to cast away `a spirit of unbelief’, to combat `harassing circumstances’ in peoples’ lives by `coming against’ the evil spirits responsible.”

Hinn invites individual members of the audience on stage for personal healings as well. The persons to be healed will provide a quick synopsis of the condition for which they seek cure. Hinn responds with a prayer or short sermon-like comment. One of Hinn’s “catchers” then stands behind the person as Hinn touches the person’s forehead or holds his or her face between his thumb and forefinger. The person being healed usually falls to the stage floor, sometimes lying motionless and sometimes trembling. The person being healed may then get up and demonstrate some sign of their healing, such as jumping or running around the stage. Hinn conducts several dozen personal healings during each service. It is commonplace for members of the congregation to be slain in the spirit during the service.

In addition to healing services, Benny Hinn Ministries offers internet prayer services. These services, often termed “ePrayers,” have been made available to anyone and can be used with any electronic device with internet access, including computers, tablets, and cellular smartphones (Cooper 2014). The Benny Hinn Ministries’ “Prayer Request” form can be accessed from the homepage of the organization’s website. It requires the user to fill out basic information, such as his or her name, country, and email address before focusing on the prayer itself. The user must identify for whom the prayer is being submitted and, from a dropdown box, choose the general nature of the prayer request. The box includes an alphabetized list of “needs” from alcohol and drug abuse, to various illnesses, to “the current world situation” (“Prayer Request” 2014). Located below is a box labeled “Prayer Details” where, using a maximum of 1,000 characters, the person submitting the prayer is able to elaborate upon the request. Upon submitting the prayer, the request is documented on a separate webpage, where it can be seen by any given member of a group of Benny Hinn Ministries’ affiliates titled the Mighty Warriors Prayer Army (MWPA).

The MWPA consists of a group of volunteers whose specific and sole responsibility is to fulfill online prayer requests. MWPA members are volunteers who agree to several terms and conditions outlined on Ministries’ webpage. These include a vow to pray at least fifteen minutes per day for those who seek prayer assistance through Benny Hinn Ministries; for Benny Hinn, his family, and the Ministries; for the nation and government; and for fellow “prayer warriors” (Hinn 2014). Hinn claims that with thousands of MWPA members worldwide, prayer requests are fulfilled twenty-four hours per day. However, Hinn has also addressed a larger goal than simply creating a platform for easily-accessible prayer services. He has called for the creation of a prayer community so vast and effective that it will precipitate divine intervention, predicting that “millions will be swept into the kingdom of God and His power will be unleashed for the miraculous as never before” (Hinn 2014).

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Benny Hinn began preaching in Toronto , hosting prayer services and eventually a local television show. His success led him to Orlando, Florida, where he founded the Orlando Christian Center in 1983 and began to build his ministry (“Biography: Benny Hinn” n.d.). The church grew rapidly almost immediately and soon required multiple Sunday services to accommodate the growing number of worshipers. Hinn began undertaking Miracle Crusades in the latter half of the decade, holding healing services in large venues across the United States, and later internationally, attracting tens of millions annually (“Benny Hinn Author Profile” n.d.). Benny Hinn’s celebrity status expanded even further following the success of his television show, “This Is Your Day,” which began airing in 1990 on the Trinity Broadcasting Network. At its peak, Hinn’s Center in Florida attracted audiences of over 10,000. However, as his tours gained momentum, Hinn spent more and longer stretches of time traveling (Okello-Kampala 2007).

In 1999, Hinn handed over the church to Clint Brown, “while retaining legal ownership of the ‘World Outreach Center Benny HinnMinistries.” He moved his headquarters to Grapevine, Texas where he claimed God had told him to construct a World Healing Center in Irving. However, the center was never built, and Hinn and his wife subsequently moved to Southern California. There Hinn began hosting his television show “This Is Your Day” from the Ministries’ owned and operated studio, the World Media Center, in Aliso Viejo. Hinn’s thirty-minute program is broadcast on a number of different television networks, including Trinity Broadcasting Network, the Daystar Television Network, Grace TV, and The God Channel. It airs daily in two hundred countries. He reaches millions of followers each year through his television program, Miracle Crusades, online sources, numerous literary works, and the sale of recorded sermons and healing sessions. Hinn claims to have communicated God’s message to over a billion people during his thirty-year career.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Benny Hinn Ministries has faced opposition from three primary sources: governmental and private agencies that are chiefly concerned with religious group financial practices, Christian organizations that have called into question Hinn’s claims of miraculous healing and the validity of his interpretation of the Gospel, and media outlets that have frequently challenged both.

Because Word Faith groups are non-denominational, there is no denominational scrutiny of their organizational practices. Throughout his career, Hinn has been under the scrutiny of the Trinity Foundation, a Dallas , Texas based organization that investigates the financial practice of televangelists. In 2005, the organization contacted the IRS concerning Benny Hinn Ministries’ status as a tax-exempt religious organization, claiming that it did not meet exemption guidelines because it is not an actual church. Headed by Ole Anthony, the Foundation posited not only that the Ministries failed to hold regular services, but also that it did not have a stable foundation of directors and therefore lacked legitimacy as a legal religious organization. Further, the Trinity Foundation questioned the appropriation of the Ministries’ supposed $100 million annual income, alleging that Hinn has appropriated money donated to the organization for personal use. At roughly the same time, another “watchdog group,” the Wall Watchers, contacted the IRS with similar allegations regarding Benny Hinn Ministries. According to the Ministries, the IRS responded by sending them a letter that included a series of questions regarding the leadership of the organization, but never conducted a formal audit. Neither the Ministries nor the IRS released Hinn’s response to the letter, but it was reported that the organization cooperated fully and was able to retain its exemption status (Wrolstad 2005; Martin 2005). Benny Hinn Ministries was subject to several such investigations in the following years, perhaps most notably in 2007 when he and five other televangelists were investigated by United States Senate Committee on Finance. On November 6, Senator Chuck Grassley announced the investigation on the grounds that those under scrutiny had abused their tax exemptions for personal gain. The six churches, among them Benny Hinn Ministries, Paula White Ministries, and Creflo Dollar’s World Changers Church, received letters from the Senate committee, posing questions regarding the allocation of church donations and requesting transparency of financial documents. While Hinn initially resisted the inquiry, he eventually agreed to “ fully cooperate…with the investigation and even implemented financial reforms,” and the three-year investigation was closed in January of 2011 (Garcia 2011).

Hinn has also faced opposition from a number of individuals and groups, both within and beyond the Christian community, for a reported refusal to join the Evangelical Council for Financial Accountability. The ECFA, with over 1,1000 members, including Billy Graham and Pat Robertson, requires a degree of financial transparency, aiming to “earn the public’s trust through adherence to seven standards of accountability” (“Do You Believe in Miracles” 2004). Paul Nelson, the CFO of the organization, has reported that Benny Hinn’s extravagant lifestyle and secrecy regarding financial documents and funds appropriation in spite of repeated inquiries have “invited IRS scrutiny” (Wrolstad 2005).

Hinn has rejected allegations of financial impropriety. For example, The Fifth Estate investigatory team obtained financial records from individuals within the Ministries who stated that they “want the public to know how Benny Hinn spends the money entrusted to him” (“Do You Believe In Miracles” 2004). The records the journalists obtained showed what were deemed extravagant travel expenses as well funds given to Benny Hinn, with no reasons specified. Hinn addressed these accusations by stating that the documentary’s portrayal of his traveling expenses was misleading as it failed to take into account expenditures that were deeply discounted and services that were provided to the Ministries free of charge.

Concerns over financial practices have continued. Despite the estimated $100-200 million the Ministries receives annually in donations, in April of 2013, Benny Hinn called upon his supporters to donate $2.5 million, which Hinn claimed would be matched by an undisclosed donor, to lift the organization out of debt (Zaimov 2013a). Earlier in the month, Hinn reportedly asked the attendees, who numbered in the thousands, of a service in Trinidad and Tobago to each donate $100 to the Ministries in order to fund the crusade.

Benny Hinn has also been vulnerable to criticism because he never received formal biblical training or education, rather claiming his knowledge to come from the Holy Spirit itself. Conservative Christian critics assert that his teaching of the Gospel is flawed, particularly his acceptance of Word Faith doctrines. They contend that Word Faith adherents, such as Benny Hinn, do not preach the Gospel, but rather, they shape the teachings of the Bible to fit their specific purpose, selecting scripture “out of context and apply[ing] it to a personal interpretation which is claimed to have been given by direct revelation from God” (“Benny Hinn” n.d.). One of the most disputed teachings of Hinn and the Word Faith Movement involves the belief that that Jesus Christ died a spiritual as well as physical death in atonement for the sins of humanity and “descended to Hell where He was tortured” before becoming reborn (Peters 2009:2). Critics have rejected this claim, deeming it heretical and asserting that because God cannot simply cease to be, the spiritual death of Christ would prove that he is not God. Another such teaching is the Little gods Doctrine. Taken from Bible passages such as II Peter 1:4 and John 10:31-39, the “Little gods Doctrine” asserts that since God created humans in his exact likeness, believers are actually “little gods,” who, with faith, are incapable of suffering from illness or poverty (Gilley 1999). This Word Faith interpretation contradicts more traditional interpretations of numerous Bible passages, such as Psalms 50:1 and Romans 16:27. These passages state that there is only one God and humans being created in God’s image “means we as humans have the capacity through a saving relationship with Jesus Christ to know God,” the traditional interpretation of the verse. Further, the Little gods Doctrine is rejected because “not everyone who loved and served the Lord walked in perfect health” and that God does not intend his followers to “be physically healed in this life” (Peters 2009:3).

Benny Hinn Ministries has been the target of several media investigations. The first occurred in 1993. Conducted by Inside Edition , hosted by Bill O’Reilly, the investigation called into question the legitimacy of Hinn’s healings, following up with individuals who had supposedly been healed at one of Pastor Benny’s services. The report stated, for example, that a man who apparently had been miraculously cured of brain cancer on stage found that the tumor was still present after an examination by his doctor; a woman who believed she had been cured of lung cancer refused medical treatment and died two months after she attended a Benny Hinn healing service in Houston; and the doctor of a woman “cured” of deafness reported that she had never actually been deaf at all. Following the airing of this investigation on March 2, 1993, Hinn made a number of media appearances, including an interview on the 700 Club with Pat Robertson. In that interview he vowed to make changes in his ministry, acknowledging the mistakes he had made. In the same year, Ole Anthony of the Trinity Foundation traveled to Florida to interview Hinn. Hinn asserted that he would begin medically verifying all miracles prior to airing them on his program and that he would return to teaching the Gospel. However, shortly after the dust had settled, according to Ole Anthony, Hinn was “back to his old tricks” (Bloom 2003:8). A number of similar investigations were conducted by media programs, including a 2001 documentary aired on HBO titled “A Question of Miracles,” in which reporters followed up on 76 putative healings that occurred during a service in Portland, Oregon. Despite having claimed to possess medical verification for the healings, Hinn withheld the documentation. Several months later, Hinn produced only a list of five names. Upon conducting follow-up interviews with the crusade attendees and their medical examiners, the reporters found results similar to those of the Inside Edition investigation. Another such investigation was conducted by Dateline at a Las Vegas healing and again, the crew tried to contact the five individuals, whose names were provided by Hinn, who reportedly had been healed. Four refused to share their medical records and the fifth, a woman who had purportedly been healed of Lou Gehrig’s Disease at a Hinn crusade, had been misdiagnosed. Possibly the largest news media investigation of Benny Hinn Ministries was conducted in 2004 by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’s The Fifth Estate. The documentary, “Do You Believe in Miracles,” used hidden cameras and interviews with former Benny Hinn Ministries’ employees and crusade audience members to assess Hinn’s healing claims, as well as to probe his financial practices. The documentary revealed, for example, a screening process by which audience members were carefully selected for appearance on stage. Those who were visibly handicapped physically, for example, were consistently turned away, presumably to avoid disconfirmation. Hinn has responded to allegations regarding his healing practices, stating that it is not he, but God, who heals the individuals; his crusades simply provide a channel through which those who are ill may become recipients of the Lord’s gift. Successful healing requires complete faith in God’s power and not on Hinn’s personal power.

Despite the substantial controversy surrounding Benny Hinn Ministries, millions of believers from across the globe flock to his crusades and tune into his daily television show in hopes of experiencing a miracle. “This Is Your Day” is now broadcast in 200 countries, and Hinn undertakes regular Miracle Crusades across the globe. In 2007, Hinn held the largest recorded healing service in history in Mumbai, India, with estimates ranging from five to seven million attendees over the course of the three day “Festival of Blessings” (“Benny Hinn: India Healing Crusade” n.d.). The Ministries receives an estimated $100-200 million in donations annually and contributes heavily to various crisis relief efforts, mission organizations, and schools and orphanages, claiming to “support…over 40,000 children each day” (“How Much Money Does Benny Hinn Make?” (“Salary & Net Worth” n.d.). Hinn also recouped some stature within the Evangelical community when he remarried his former wife in front of an audience of over 1,000 (Zaimov 2013b).

REFERENCES

“Benny Hinn” n.d. Biblical Discernment Ministries. Accessed from http://www.rapidnet.com/~jbeard/bdm/exposes/hinn/general.htm     on  25 May 2013.

“Benny Hinn Author Profile.” n.d . New Release Tuesday. Accessed from http://www.newreleasetuesday.com/authordetail.php?aut_id=496 on 25 May, 2013.

“Benny Hinn: India Healing Crusade.” n.d. 700 Club. Accessed from http://www.cbn.com/700club/Guests/Bios/Benny_Hinn_110404.aspx on 25 May 2013.

“Benny Hinn Ministries” n.d. Apologetics Index. Accessed from http://www.apologeticsindex.org/h01.html on 25 May 2013.

“Benny Hinn Ministries – World Media Center.” n.d. Patch. Accessed from http://alisoviejo.patch.com/listings/benny-hinn-ministries-world-media-center on 25 May 2013.

“BIOGRAPHY: Benny Hinn.” n.d. The Fifth Estate. Accessed from http://www.cbc.ca/fifth/amazinggrace/hinn.html 25 May 2013.

Bloom, John. 2003. “The Heretic.” The Trinity Foundation. Accessed from http://www.trinityfi.org/press/heretic.html on 26 May 2013.

Cooper, Travis. 2014. “ePrayer and Online Prayer Rituals.” In The Materiality of Prayer, edited by Anderson Blanton. The Social Science Research Council. Accessed from http://forums.ssrc.org/ndsp/2014/01/13/eprayer-and-online-prayer-rituals/ on 22 January 2014.

“DO YOU BELIEVE IN MIRACLES?” n.d. The Fifth Estate. Accessed from http://www.cbc.ca/fifth/main_miracles.html on 25 May 2013.

Garcia, Elena. 2011. “Benny Hinn Sued by Publisher Over Alleged Relationship with Paula White.” The Christian Post, February 18. Accessed from http://www.christianpost.com/news/benny-hinn-sued-by-publisher-over-alleged-relationship-with-paula-white-49060/ on 26 May 2013.

Harrison, Milmon. 2005. Righteous Riches: The Word of Faith Movement in Contemporary African American Religion. New York: Oxford University Press.

Hinn, Benny. 2014. “Mighty Warriors Prayer Army.” Benny Hinn Ministries . Accessed from http://www.bennyhinn.org/mwia/ on 22 January, 2014.

Hunt, Stephen. 2000a. “Dramatising the ‘Health and Wealth Gospel’: Belief and Practice of a Neo-Pentecostal ‘Faith’ Ministry.” Journal of Beliefs & Values 21:73-86.

Hunt, Stephen. 2000b. “’Winning Ways’: Globalization and the Impact of the Health and Wealth Gospel.” Journal of Contemporary Religion 16:88-105.

Martin, Allie. 2005. “Benny Hinn the Subject of IRS Inquiry.” AgapePress. Accessed from http://www.ministrywatch.com/pdf/article_071205_hinninvestigated.pdf on 25 May 2013.

Nickell, Joe. 2002. “Benny Hinn: Healer or Hypnotist?” Skeptical Inquirer. Accessed from http://www.csicop.org/si/show/benny_hinn_healer_or_hypnotist/ on 25 May 2013.

Okello-Kempala, Raphael. 2007. “ Uganda : Benny Hinn Has a Gift for Country.” Accessed from http://watchmanafrica.blogspot.com/2007/05/pastor-joseph-serwadda-says-benny-hinn.html on 25 May 2015 .

Peters, Justin. 2009. “Benny Hinn.” Watchman Fellowship. Accessed from http://www.watchman.org/profiles/benny-hinn/ on 26 May 2013.

“Prayer Request.” 2014. Benny Hinn Ministries. Accessed from http://www.bennyhinn.org/prayer/prayer-request on 22 January 2014.

Stewart, David J., n.d. “Benny Hinn’s Hidden Heresies.” Accessed from http://www.jesus-is-savior.com/Wolves/benny_hinn-hidden.htm on 25 May 2013 .

Wrolstad, Mark. 2005. “IRS questions Hinn’s Tax-Exempt Status.” The Dallas Morning News, July 6. Accessed from http://trinityfi.org/press/hinn07.html on 25 May 2013.

Zaimov , Stoyan. 2013a. “Benny Hinn Asks Followers for $2.5 Million to Get Out of Debt.” The Christian Post, April 26. Accessed from
http://www.christianpost.com/news/benny-hinn-asks-followers-for-2-5-million-to-get-out-of-debt-94822/ on 26 May 2013.

Zaimov, Stoyan. 2013b. “Benny Hinn Remarries in Front of 1,000 People.” The Christian Post, March 4. Accessed from http://www.christianpost.com/news/benny-hinn-remarries-in-front-of-1000-people-91218/ 25 May 2013.

Publication Date:
26 December 2013

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Bethel Bible College

BETHEL BIBLE COLLEGE TIMELINE

1873 (June 4):  Charles Fox Parham was born in Muscatine, Iowa.

1888:  Parham began teaching Sunday school and holding revival meetings.

1890:  Parham entered a Methodist school, Southwestern College, in Winfield, Kansas.

1893:  Parham began actively preaching as a supply pastor for the Methodist Churches in Eudora,
Kansas and in Linwood, Kansas.

1895:  Parham surrendered his local preacher’s license and walked away from the Methodist Church.

1898 (Autumn):  Parham opened Bethel Healing Home at the corner of Fourth and Jackson Streets in Topeka, Kansas.

1899 (March 22):  Charles Parham and James Staples published the first issue of a weekly paper entitled The Apostolic Faith .

1900 (summer):  Parham took a six-week sabbatical to attend “Shiloh,” a Bible and Ministry training school in Durham, Maine.

1900 (October 15):  Parham opened the College of Bethel (which later became Bethel Bible College).

1901 (January 1):  Agnes Ozman was the first of many at Bethel Bible College to receive a powerful outpouring of the Holy Spirit and to speak in tongues.

1901 (July 20):  Bethel Bible College lost the lease on its building after it was sold to a new owner who opened it as a roadhouse.

1901 (December 6):  Former building of Bethel Bible College was destroyed by fire.

1902 (January):  Parham wrote his first book which had a Hebrew title, Kol Kare Bomidbar, meaning “A Voice Crying in the Wilderness.”

1905:  Parham opened a ten-week Bible School at the corner of Rusk and Brazos Streets in Houston, Texas and allowed a young black man, William Joseph Seymour, to become a student of the Bible School.

1906 (February):  William J. Seymour left Houston to accept a position as a holiness minister in Los Angeles, California.

1906 (April 14):  William J. Seymour opened the Azusa Street Mission (Apostolic Faith Mission) in Los Angeles, California.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Charles Fox Parham was born on June 4, 1873 to William M. and Ann Maria Eckel Parham in Muscatine, Iowa. By the time William and Ann’s third son, Charles, was born, William was a horse collar maker and painter by trade. Five years later the family moved from Muscatine County, Iowa to Sedgwick County, Kansas, enabling William to join in the agricultural wheat boom of the area.

The people who lived in rural America experienced years of economic and social depression followed by years of prosperity, which created an atmosphere of uncertainty. Religion offered both hope for a better future and a path to cope with the unstable conditions. Churches were few and far between, but in some areas there were traveling preachers who would visit different areas, though infrequently due to the distances involved. The Parham family brought very few books with them when they relocated to Kansas . Among them were a couple of history books, a few old school books, a dictionary and a Bible.

Within the first decade of his life, Parham suffered many childhood illnesses, including encephalitis, stomach problems, colds and/or flu, possible migraines and a very painful bout of rheumatic fever. By the age of ten Parham was “so emaciated that he could count the bones in his hand by holding it up to the light” (Goff 1988:23). Unable to participate in normal chores expected of a child on the farm, he spent a lot of time with his mother. Parham had felt a call to the ministry from the age of nine, and the Bible became his closest companion. There were times that he would go out into the fields and gather cows around him and give them passionate sermons on the realities of the future (Parham 1902:8).

When his mother, Ann Parham, died during childbirth, he was only twelve years-old, yet he made a promise that he would see her again in heaven. One year later, in 1886, he began attending evening scripture meetings, which he thoroughly enjoyed though he still had not made the decision to become a Christian. The meetings were led by a Brother Lippard of the Congregational Church House. One night Brother Lippard threatened to cancel the meetings unless someone else volunteered to start the meeting. Parham stood at the beginning of the next meeting to volunteer, but he was counted as having converted. He did not correct the misunderstanding. Later on the road home, he felt a deep conviction about not being authentic about converting. He found it difficult to pray, and instead a Gospel hymn came to his mind, “I am Coming to the Cross.” With his face turned skyward he began the third verse and was instantly overcome as: “there flashed from the Heaven, a light above the brightness of the sun; like a stroke of lightning it penetrated, thrilling every tissue and fiber of my being; knowing by experimental knowledge what Peter knew of old, that He was the Christ, the Son of the living God” (Parham 1902:11).

By the age of fifteen, Parham had begun teaching Sunday school and holding revival meetings. His messages were drawn from the many religious figures and events that had influenced him. These included Dwight L. Moody, who emphasized personal conversion and premillennialism, and the Keswick, England camp meetings. The camp meetings emphasized a special anointing through the Baptism of the Holy Spirit that would enrich their commitment to serve God in whatever ways He led them in Christian service. Parham also accepted the divine healing views of A.J. Gordon and A.B. Simpson (both believed in divine healing through the atoning death of Jesus Christ). However, it was Benjamin Hardin Irwin, a Wesleyan from Lincoln, Nebraska, who most influenced Parham with “Baptism with the Holy Ghost and fire” (Goff 1988:54). Believers who had this experience were often physically overcome with exuberant joy.

In 1890, Parham entered a Methodist school, Southwestern College in Winfield, Kansas, with the intention of pursuing an education for ministry. He struggled to stay focused on his college studies as he was more inclined to pursue religious work. He soon saw the consequences of his distraction, and, as his grades slipped, he began to question his life in ministry. This was also about the time the Panic of 1893 started. Railroads had been overbuilt and their tenuous finances created a widespread panic that caused many investors to sell their stocks as banks called railroad loans early and many banks failed. Parham began to worry about his financial future in ministry and thus began thinking about a more lucrative profession in medicine. He began to seek a medical degree, turning his back on the ministry.

Parham experienced another round of the rheumatic fever in the spring of 1891, and he suffered for many months despite strong drugs until one day he heard his physician predict that he would not recover this time. He was certain that God had brought back the rheumatic fever as a reminder to him of his promise to dedicate his life to ministry. Remembering the lessons about the healings in the New Testament, he prayed for healing. He recovered from the rheumatism (with the intervention of God, he was convinced) but his ankles were so damaged and weak that he ended up flopping his feet to the side as he walked painfully for months. Finally, in December, 1891, Parham recalled that he had promised God that he would dedicate his life to the ministry. He rededicated his life to ministry and promised God that he would quit college if God would heal his ankles. Strength instantly returned to his ankles, and they appeared to be completely healed. Parham left Southwestern College after three years with a renewed vigor to pursue a life in ministry.

Parham received a call from and was licensed by the Methodist Episcopal Church, North, in March, 1893. He began actively preaching in June of 1893, at the age of twenty, as a supply pastor for the Eudora Methodist Church. A supply pastor is a lay member who is called to perform all the duties of a minister but does not administer the sacraments. The church’s pastor, Werter Renick Davis, who had previously been the first president of Baker University , died suddenly in June of 1893. Parham was asked to continue serving as pastor for the Church for the rest of the year. In addition to his pastoral duties at the Eudora Church , he traveled to the Congregational Church in Linwood where he held revivals. On Sunday mornings he led services in Eudora and in the afternoon he led services in Linwood.

Parham was influenced by the Wesleyan Holiness movement, which taught that current believers could receive a second blessing of sanctification to remove the sin-nature that tempted them to commit sins. This sanctification was in addition to the first act of faith, accepting Jesus Christ as one’s Savior.

Parham gave up his local preacher’s license in March of 1895 and walked away from the Methodist Church after hearing that the new Conference members were not allowed to “preach by direct inspiration” (Goff 1988:36). Some of the subjects that Parham was preaching about were beginning to cause problems for the Methodist Church leaders. He advised people that church membership had nothing to do with salvation and so they should not be too concerned about whether or not to join a church. He believed in conversion and in the second blessing that removed sin-nature. He believed that water baptism was only a ritual but that the Baptism of the Holy Spirit was essential.

Charles Parham married Sarah Thistlethwaite on December 31, 1896. Sarah was the daughter of a Quaker family he met in Tonganoxie , Kansas during his first year in the ministry. Her father was influential in teaching Parham about an evangelical view of hell that depicts the total annihilation of the wicked rather than the traditional doctrine of hell of being eternally separated from God.

In September of 1897 Parham developed heart disease, and his young son, Claude, became ill. Doctors prescribed medicines for the child, but nothing was effective. The scripture “Physician, heal thyself” came to mind; Parham prayed for a healing for himself and believed he was healed. He prayed for his son’s healing and discarded his son’s medicine. His son was also healed. Parham believed that his son’s healing was a result of his faith in and dependence on God. He was now convinced that diseases were of a spiritual nature and were caused by a lack of faith in God. Reliance on medical measures simply reinforced that lack of faith. About two months later, the death of a close friend left Parham feeling partly responsible as he had failed to pray for his healing. It was at this point that he dedicated his ministry to working for salvation from sin and sickness. This led him to begin a new ministry of divine healing in Ottawa, Kansas . It was not long before he received requests to come pray for people as far away as Topeka, a city of about thirty thousand. Parham saw the potential for growth of his ministry and moved his family to Topeka during the summer of 1898. He located a building to rent at the corner of Fourth and Jackson Streets, and a few months later Parham opened Bethel Healing Home.

Bethel Healing Home was a combination home and Bible School where the only textbook was the Bible. Parham led the classes in healing, prophecy and various other topics mainly focused on teaching those who were previously involved in religious work. The Healing Home also offered a temporary orphanage that helped to find Christian homes for the orphan children. An ad hoc employment bureau focused on connecting Christian employees with Christian employers. There were fourteen rooms on the second floor that served as living quarters for the Parham family and for the ill and disabled residents. Resident fees ranged from four to seven dollars per week depending on ability to pay; however, there were other options if a person or family was too poor to pay the fees.

In an attempt to help cover some of the costs of the Healing Home that were not covered by resident fees, Charles Parham and James A. Staples, a local publisher, began publishing a weekly paper entitled The Apostolic Faith . The first issue of the paper was released on March 22, 1899; it contained articles on the holiness movement and healing testimonies as well as religious advertisements. Two months later, Staples suggested changing the frequency to monthly publication, but Parham refused and Staples relinquished his share of the publication. Parham continued as editor and publisher, but by August he had reduced the subscription fee and began publishing the paper semimonthly. Many free issues were distributed, and it was noted that people as far away as New Orleans had subscribed to the publication. The Apostolic Faith became known as the first Pentecostal journal and was published between March 22, 1899 and April 15, 1900.

During the summer of 1900 Parham and about eight others from the Topeka mission attended a six-week session at “Shiloh,” a Bible and Missionary training school founded by Frank W. Sandford’s “Holy Ghost and Us” society in Durham, Maine. When the group returned to the Bethel Healing Home, they were denied access by the people that Parham had left in charge during his absence. Many people encouraged Parham to seek revenge on his former colleagues, but he refused and instead he prayed and looked for God’s provision to keep the ministry going.

A few months later someone affiliated with the American Bible Society of Philadelphia, who knew of Parham’s healing ministry,offered him the opportunity to rent an unfinished mansion in Topeka, often referred to as “Stone’s Folly,” which they had purchased from its previous owner, Erastus R. Stone. Parham agreed to rent the mansion from the Society. On October 15, 1900, he opened Bethel Bible College “with about three dozen persons, including “students” and their children in attendance. Most all of them were ministers or religious workers from Methodist, Baptist, Quaker and independent Holiness Churches and Missions and all were seeking a new experience of the Spirit for evangelistic work” (Anderson 1979:51).

Bethel Bible College held prayer meetings in the tower rooms, twenty-four hours a day, with students participating in three-hour shifts. The students canvassed houses during the day and then held worship services in the evenings in a downtown mission. Several of the rooms were set aside for healing and prayer, and fasting was encouraged. All material possessions and money were shared; everyone ate at a common table, performed chores, worked in the mission and studied with the goal of totally obeying the commandments of Jesus.

Prior to leaving for a three-day revival in Kansas City in late December, 1900, Parham instructed each member of the Bethel group to read the book of Acts and to study the subject of baptism looking for outward evidence of the true baptism. When he returned, he asked what the students had discovered. All of them reported that they believed that speaking in tongues was the evidence of the true baptism of the Holy Spirit. The group believed the outpouring of the Holy Spirit would prepare them with the languages needed for missionary work in all parts of the world.

Watch night services began on New Year’s Eve with prayer, fasting and welcoming of the expected imminent coming of the Holy Spirit. On the next day around 11:00 P.M., Agnes Ozman, at student at the college, had an intense desire to receive the Holy Spirit, and so she asked for prayer and the laying of hands upon her. She soon began glorifying God as she spoke in tongues which she believed sounded like various Chinese dialects. Those present believed that this phenomenon was the outpouring of the Holy Spirit and was causing people to speak in other tongues in preparation for ministry in foreign lands.

Two days later, Parham held a meeting at the Free Methodist Church in Topeka, Kansas. He told the congregation about the recent events at Bethel Bible College and that he anticipated all of the students would be speaking in tongues as they were baptized with the Holy Spirit. When he returned from the meeting, he saw a white light glowing in the second floor room of the college as twelve ministers filled with the Holy Spirit were calmly speaking in other tongues. Parham knelt and prayed for the same blessing. He began to speak first in what he believed sounded like a version of the Swedish language and then later in other languages.

DOCTRINES/RITUALS

Parham’s March 22, 1899, issue of “the Apostolic Faith listed the Hliness beliefs of the Bethel Healing Home as “salvation by faith; healing by faith; laying on of hands, and prayer; sanctification by faith; coming (pre-millennium)[sic] of Christ; the baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire, which seals the Bride and bestows the gifts” (Goff 1988:55). At Bethel Bible College, students followed the “teaching by the Holy Spirit directly through “prophecy,” and through “messages” in tongues and interpretation” (Anderson 1979:60).

Prayer meetings were held in the tower rooms, twenty-four hours a day, with the students participating in three hour shifts. They believed that speaking in tongues was the evidence of true baptism of the Holy Spirit. They desired and anticipated being recipients of an outpouring of the Holy Spirit as had happened at Pentecost and had been written about in the book of Acts in the Bible. The students canvassed houses during the day and then held worship services in the evenings in a downtown mission. Several of the rooms were set aside for healing. Prayer and fasting were encouraged. All material possessions and money were shared; everyone ate at a common table, performed chores, and studied in the mission with the goal of totally obeying the commandments of Jesus. Late in Parham’s ministry of healing there was such a high demand for his prayers of healing that he prayed over handkerchiefs and sent them to the people who requested prayers of healing.

For weeks afterward, many newspaper reporters came to Topeka to report on the new Pentecost. Parham decided to travel the country spreading the message. He and seven workers traveled to Kansas City and received considerable publicity from the newspapers. Soon afterward, he led a group of twenty people to Lawrence to pray and talk with people and encourage them to attend the evening meetings, which were being held in an old theater. During the meetings, “some were saved, the sick were healed, and a number received the Holy Ghost and spoke in tongues” (Martin 1997:88).

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Bethel Healing Home began as a combination home and Bible school. The textbook was the Bible and classes in healing, prophecy and other topics were taught by Parham to students who had previously been involved in religious work. A temporary orphanage helped to find Christian homes for orphan children. An ad hoc employment bureau focused on connecting Christian employees with Christian employers. There were fourteen rooms on the second floor which served as living quarters for the Parham family and for the ill and disabled residents.

Bethel Bible College operated on faith. Students had previously been active in different religious denominations, though most were from the Holiness movement. They shared a common bond of a desire for a meaningful experience of the Holy Spirit and looked forward to carrying that passion into their evangelistic work.

It is interesting to note that the building that housed the Bethel Healing Home was purchased in 2013 by Topeka Storm Ministries.That congregation began the process of having the building listed on the National Historic Register. Members have restored the chapel and regular worship services are being held on Sundays and Wednesdays under the name of Tree of Life Fellowship. There are plans to continue restoring the rest of the building to its original design. Healing rooms and a memorabilia room are expected to open as part of the continuing restoration.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Bethel Bible College lost the lease to the building when it expired on July 20, 1901 as the owners had sold the property to Harry Croft. The new owner converted the building into a roadhouse where liquor was unlawfully sold; the establishment was often raided by police. On December 6, 1901, the building was mysteriously destroyed by fire, leaving only the foundation and a few pieces of wood and trim. The property where Bethel Bible College was located later became the site for The Most Pure Heart of Mary Catholic Parish.

Parham, his wife, and her sister traveled to Kansas City to open another Bible school, which was located in a building at the corner of Eleventh and Oak Streets in downtown Kansas City. However, the family closed the school after only four months and moved to Lawrence, Kansas, where they lived for the next one and a half years. It was during this time that Parham wrote his first book, Kol Kare Bomidbar, Hebrew for “A Voice Crying in the Wilderness,” which he published in January, 1902. And so, “The physical structure most closely identified with the new Pentecostal movement had been destroyed. In its place a more enduring monument had been erected; Parham’s book marked the first published example of Pentecostal theology in history” (Goff 1988:86).

In the Autumn of 1902, he shifted his emphasis back to healing and held revivals in various parts of the local area until 1903 when they moved to the mining region of the tri-state district, located at the intersection of Kansas, Missouri and Oklahoma. Parham held revival meetings twice a day in huge warehouses that accommodated up to 2,000 people. There were news articles reporting many people being converted, healed, baptized and speaking in tongues (Anderson 1979:59). Numerous Apostolic Faith missions were established as converts and workers spread the message in various parts of the tri-state district.

Encouraged by the successful revivals in the tri-state district, in July, 1905, Parham and about two dozen others traveled to Houston, which at the time was the largest city in Texas. In December, 1905, he opened a ten-week Bible school in a large house on the corner of Rusk and Brazos Streets.

A black holiness minister, William Joseph Seymour, learned about the Bible school and requested admission. The local Jim Crow statutes (not allowing black people to be in the same rooms as white people) caused Parham to be cautious with Seymour ‘s request. Over the years, Parham had developed a paternal concern for the races that he felt were inferior and allowed Seymour to attend the school with the condition that he had to sit in the hallway. Eventually Parham and Seymour preached together to various groups of African Americans at several locations in Houston.

After about five weeks of training at the school, Seymour was offered a position as a holiness minister in Los Angeles, California. Parham tried to discourage Seymour from taking the position as he felt that Seymour was needed in Houston , but Seymour felt he was being led by the Holy Spirit. Soon, Parham gave him his blessing and additionally helped with some of his travel expenses. Seymour left Houston in February of 1906 without having personally received the blessing of speaking in tongues. He traveled to California, thoroughly believing that “a third religious work evidenced by tongue-speaking would revolutionize the world through spiritual power and missionary zeal” (Goff 1988:111).

Seymour arrived in Los Angeles with an invitation by Julia Hutchins to preach at the small mission she had founded on Santa Fe
Street. Seymour not only preached Parham’s apostolic faith message that speaking in tongues (glossolalia) was evidence of receiving the Holy Spirit but someone with Seymour began to speak in tongues, which made Hutchins and the Church elders quite uncomfortable. They reported him to the Holiness Association because they felt the message he preached was contrary to the Holiness doctrine that sanctification and baptism of the Holy Spirit were the same thing. When he returned the next week to preach, he was barred from entry to the mission.

Neely Terry, a member of the Santa Fe Street mission, asked Seymour to lead prayer meetings at the Bonnie Brae Street home of her cousins, Richard and Ruth Asberry. Many who attended the prayer meetings were moved to speak in tongues, and as the news spread about the prayer meetings more people began attending than the space could accommodate. Searching for other options available in the area, Seymour found an abandoned church building, located at 312 Azusa Street. He and his small prayer group prayed for a spiritual sign and on April 12, 1906, Seymour and others received the answer to their prayers and “prayed their way through to Pentecost” (Goff 1988:112). On April 14, 1906, Seymour opened the Azusa Street Mission (Apostolic Faith Mission) where he was able to continue preaching the apostolic faith message. Attendance was scattered at the beginning, but just four months later in August, there were around 1,200 people attending the evening services at the mission. The Azusa Street Mission in Los Angeles soon became the largest center of Pentecostal expansion. Holiness leaders from all over the country came to listen, learn, and carry the message throughout the United States and eventually around the world as well.

REFERENCES

Anderson, Robert Mapes 1979. Vision of the Disinherited. New York : Oxford University Press.

Bearman, Alan F. and Mills, Jennifer L. 2009. “Charles M. Sheldon and Charles F. Parham Adapting Christianity to the Challenges of the American West.” Kansas History: A Journal of the Central Plains 32:106-23 . Accessed from www.kshs.org/publicat/history/2009summer_bearman.pdf on 10 November 2013.

Goff, James R., Jr. 1988. Fields White Unto Harvest. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press.

Kansas Historical Society. 2013. “Apostolic Faith 03/22/1899 – 04/15/1900.” Accessed from http://www.kshs.org/newspaper/newspaper_reels/search/city:/title:Apostolic%20Faith/county:/state:KS/begyr:1899/endyr:1900/arrange:title/submit:SEARCH on 28 October 2013.
Kansas Historical Society. 2007-2013. “Stone’s Folly, Topeka, Kansas.” Accessed from www.kansasmemory.org/item/216406 on 28 October 2013.

Martin, Larry E. 1997. The Topeka Outpouring of 1901. Joplin: Christian Life Books.

Parham, Charles F. 1911. The Everlasting Gospel. Lexington: Pentecostalbooks.

Parham, Charles Fox 1902. A Voice Crying in the Wilderness. Lexington: Pentecostalbooks.

Topeka Storm Ministries. n.d. “Restoration Project: Charles Parham’s – Bethel Healing Home.” Accessed from http://www.topekastorm.org/restoration/index.cfm?page=restoration on 21 October 2013.

Authors:
Jan Downing Tyner
Timothy Miller

Post Date:
29 March 2014

BETHEL BIBLE COLLEGE VIDEO CONNECTIONS

 

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Bikram Yoga

BIKRAM YOGA TIMELINE

1944 or 1946 (February 10):  Bikram Choudhury was born in Kolcata (Calcutta), India.

1951:  Choudhury began studying Hatha Yoga with Bishnu Ghosh.

1959-1962:  Choudhury won the National India Yoga Championship three consecutive years.

1963:  Choudhury suffered a severe knee injury that doctors believed would permanently prevent him from walking.

1964:  Six months after his crippling injury, Choudhury’s knee was fully healed.

1970 (February):  Choudhury opened schools in Japan and created his twenty-six pose sequence.

Early 1970s:  Choudhury immigrated to the United States.

1974:  Choudhury opened the Yoga College of India in Beverly Hills.

1977 (January 1):  Choudhury’s first book, Bikram’s Beginning Yoga Class, was published.

1979 (January 1):  Choudhury submitted a copyright for the entire text of Bikram’s Beginning Yoga Class .

1984:  Bikram and Rajashree Chakrabarti were married.

1994:  Choudhury offered an accelerated course of teacher training.

1998:  Celebrity Madonna appeared on the Oprah television program and promoted yoga practice.

2002 (October 24):  Choudhury filed a supplementary copyright for his twenty-six poses in sequence.

2012 (June):  The U.S. Copyright Office ruled that the sequence of poses was ineligible for copyright.

2013-2015:  Six sexual harassment lawsuits were filed against Choudhury.

2016:  Bikram and Rajashree Choudhury divorced after thirty-two years of marriage.

 

 

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Yoga has become extremely popular in the United States. A 2017 Yoga Journal sponsored survey estimated that the number of yogis and yoginis has topped 20,000,000, up 4,000,000 since an earlier 2012 study. (YJ Editors 2017). [Image at right] According to this source, over eighty percent of practitioners are women; over sixty percent are between eighteen and forty-four. One third of practitioners have been practicing for three years or less. Yoga’s connection to the current exercise and fitness movement is reflected in the finding that health, conditioning, fitness, and stress relief were all mentioned as motivations by more than half of practitioners surveyed.

Hot Yoga, (which generically refers to yoga practiced in a heated space), is the creation of Bikram Choudhury.  He began experimenting with what became Hot Yoga while teaching in Japan around 1970, gradually increasing the heat in the yoga studios to its present level of forty degrees Celsius (104 degrees Fahrenheit) and developing his specific combination of twenty-six asanas in the Hatha Yoga tradition. There are, of course, numerous examples of using heated environments for personal healing and transformation, from Turkish baths to Native American sweat lodges. Choudhury’s innovation was to connect yoga and heated environments, along with his specific combination of twenty-six asanas in the Hatha Yoga tradition (Hall 2019).

Very little actually is known about Bikram Choudhury, founder of Bikram Yoga. He was born on February 10, 1944 or 1946 in Kolkata (Calcutta), India. Much of the limited information available has come from Choudhury himself. According to this autobiographical and hagiographic account, he was first introduced to Hatha yoga poses when he was three years old. At the age of five, he began studying seriously under Bishnu Ghosh, the brother of Paramahansa Yogananda. Yogananda had moved from India to the U.S. in 1920 and founded the Self-Realization Fellowship in 1925. He reports that he taught meditation practices and Kriya Yoga to a large western audience and authored the influential book, Autobiography of a Yogi (1998). Choudhury’s training included four to six hours of daily, rigorous study and practice of different Hatha poses, or Asanas. Under Bishnu Ghosh, Choudhury claims, he began competing in the National India Yoga Championship and won first place for three consecutive years beginning in 1959. After his third victory, he claims that he retired as the undisputed “All-India National Yoga Champion” and went on to travel with Ghosh, giving weight lifting demonstrations. However, he was forced to discontinue his travels when, at age seventeen, he suffered an extreme knee injury due to a weight-lifting accident. Choudhury sought out the best doctors in Europe; he reports that they informed him that he would be unable to even walk again, let alone continue weight-lifting. Choudhury refused to accept this diagnosis; instead, he sought out the help of his teacher, Bishnu Ghosh. After six months at Ghosh’s school, Choudhury’s knee had fully healed. Soon after, Ghosh encouraged Choudhury to start his own schools in India, and later Japan, teaching the ways of Hatha Yoga. Choudhury asserts that his American supporters convinced him to immigrate to America and open a school. Much of this hagiographic account has now been contested and discredited (See, Issues/Challenges).

It is established that Choudhury arrived in the U.S. in 1973 and established the Yoga College of India in Beverly Hills the following year. In the early years, Choudhury appears to have been interested primarily in teaching Yoga (MacGregor 2002):

“In those years he was trying to be a pure yogi,” recalls Emmy Cleaves, who was Bikram’s 15th student in Los Angeles and is now a senior teacher. “He slept on the floor there. That’s the kind of sacrifice he was willing to make. He has invested a lot in this, because his guru told him to go out and teach yoga. From an Indian perspective, he was doing the right thing.”

In those days Choudhury was celibate. He didn’t drink, nor does he now. Some recall that the young Choudhury was so shy he would barely meet people’s eyes when he spoke. He ran his yoga school as if it were in Calcutta, rather than Beverly Hills. “Do you know, every yoga school in India is free?” Bikram asked. “My school was free. We don’t think to charge money. For us, a yoga school is like a temple. I had a little box, and people could put money in it. Like a church.”

Using this location in Beverly Hills as his base of operations, Choudhury began expanding what became his empire and published his first book, Bikram’s Beginning Yoga Class, in 1977. Shortly thereafter, Choudhury found his classes increasing in size and popularity. His classes could accommodate a hundred people at a time, many more than traditional yoga classes. As the demand for classes increased, so did the demand for schools and teachers. The names of many celebrities (Martin Sheen, Candice Bergen, Raquel Welch, Quincy Jones, Shirley MacLaine, Madonna, Michael Jackson, George Clooney, Tiger Woods), have been linked to Bikram Yoga (Larsen 2018)Choudhury has also claimed that President Richard Nixon invited him to the White House for advice on how to deal with his phlebitis problem.

Choudhury ‘s personal life changed in 1984 when Bishnu Ghosh’s son helped to arrange his marriage to then nineteen year-old Rajashree Chakrabarti. (Image at right)  Chakrabarti had won the National India Yoga Championship. The couple had a daughter, Laju, and a son, Anurag. Rajashree Choudhury is a yoga therapist and founded the U.S. Yoga Federation and the International Yoga Sports Federation. One of her goals has been to gain acceptance of Yoga as an Olympic event.

In 1994, Choudhury made the decision to offer an accelerated course of teacher training. This would allow dedicated students to study ten hours a day for nine weeks with Choudhury, his wife, and some senior instructors. At the end of the nine week training, those students who passed Choudhury’s personal review received their teaching certification and were able to teach in one of his studios or open one of their own. In 1998, Madonna, who became a practitioner of Bikram Yoga for a time, appeared on the Oprah television show and promoted yoga practice, which brought even greater attention to Choudhurh. According to Choudhury, he has certified more than 11,000 teachers. As of 2011, there were over 500 Bikram yoga studios worldwide, and that number has continued to increase steadily.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

There are eight elements of yoga: absorption (samadhi), breathing (pranayama), concentration (dharana), meditation (dhyani), observances (niyamas), postures (asana), restraints (yamas), and withdrawal of senses (pratyahara). The ultimate goal is to reach liberation or enlightenment. Yoga programs featuring asana are the most popular among Yoga practitioners in the West. Hatha Yoga, from which Bikram Yoga is derived, emphasizes unifying opposites (such as masculine and feminine, hot and cold, positive and negative), and creating balance. The asanas are intended to balance flexibility and strength, purify the body, and open the body’s channels so that energy may flow freely.

Bikram Yoga is one form of what has come to be known as “Hot Yoga” or “Powerful Flow Yoga.” As already noted, Hot Yoga may be used to describe any yoga practice carried out in a heated environment. Proponents of Hot Yoga assert that the heat and resulting sweating are cleansing and loosen tight muscles. Proponents see the high energy/high exertion style of Hot Yoga as quintessentially American. As one yoga instructor put it: “On some level, we’ve Americanized yoga. People are living very frenetic lives, and our nervous systems are used to that…. it’s only logical that a nation of multitaskers would want to do a number of things at once: working out, sweating, balancing and stretching (Theiss 2013).

Bikram Yoga is a very stylized form of Hot Yoga. Choudhury has abandoned individual and small group instruction characteristic of classical yoga instruction for large classes in spacious studios. This format has earned his teaching style the nickname McYoga.  Each studio must be carpeted, sessions run ninety minutes, no music is allowed during the sessions, studios are heated to 90-105 degrees, and, most importantly, there are twenty-six poses that are always performed in a specified sequence. Choudhury has often been questioned about the unique nature of his sequence. He is asked how it can be unique if others who teach Hatha Yoga employ the same poses. Bikram acknowledges that the poses themselves are not unique. Instead, he asserts, it is the specific order of poses and breathing techniques that make his system the most effective.

Bikram Choudhury strongly professes a belief in the healing power of Hatha Yoga based on his personal experience. He claims that, when his knee was injured and doctors told him it was beyond repair, yoga is what returned him to full health. He states that it was this experience that inspired him to begin teaching and to create a powerful sequence of asanas and pranayamas that he has dubbed Bikram Yoga. This sequence is so powerful, Choudhury says, that it can produce miracles. Many yogis and yoginis who faced apparently insurmountable physical ailments, from crippling car accidents to severe physical impairments, report making full and astounding recoveries. They credit their recoveries to the practice of Bikram Yoga.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Every session of Bikram Yoga features two breathing methods (pranayama) and twenty six poses (asanas) that are derived from eighty four classical yoga poses and are always performed in the same order. [Image at right] When students walks into the studio with their towels and wash cloths in hand, they are immediately struck by a heat wave, as the studios are kept at temperatures ranging from 90 to 105 degrees Farenheit. Choudhury believes that this allows the muscles to heat up more quickly, which, in turn, will assist his students in their poses.

Choudhury and all of his instructors teach their classes the same way, from the front of the room with a microphone, instead of on the floor demonstrating the poses. Choudhury believes that if a student if really listening, then he or she should be able to correctly do the pose as instructed. If the student is not doing the pose correctly, the instructor will tell them what to change and how, but only rarely will the instructor physically correct the pose.

Class begins with the first of two breathing exercises, called Pranayama. In this first Pranayama, the students will stand while moving their arms in time with their breathing to completely fill and empty the lungs. This is followed by twelve standing poses that are common in most Hatha disciplines of yoga. It begins with Half Moon Pose, which involves standing with arms stretched overhead and palms pressed together while bending in all directions. This stretches the abdomen and the back while increasing flexibility. This stretch and Standing bow are the only ones in this set with back bends; all of the others are either forward bends or balancing poses. The balancing poses, such as Eagle Pose, are extremely physically demanding, and most beginners find themselves teetering within seconds. However, Bikram asserts that these poses can be invaluable, as they build focus and concentration.

After the standing poses are completed, the students move into Corpse Pose, or Savasana, which is a brief, but necessary, respite for the students tense muscles. Next comes a quick straight-legged sit-up and a forward bend before moving into the next pose. This sequence of Savasana, sit-up and forward bend is inserted between each of the next several poses. First comes a series of backbends, Cobra Pose, Half Locust, Full Locust and Bow Pose. Next is a forward bend, Half Tortoise pose, backbend, Camel Pose and finally a kneeling Pranayama. This pranayama marks the end of the series, as the body empties and fills with clean, healthy air.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Bikram Yoga was first conceptualized in Japan, after Bikram Choudhury began his Hatha Yoga School there in 1970. When he first began teaching in the winter in Japan, he claimed that his studio was so cold that his muscles did not work right. However, when he heated the small room up, he found that his muscles were able to move more freely. Later, when he was teaching in Hawaii, much warmer outside than Tokyo, he found a similar result. The studio had been so air conditioned that his muscles simply did not move the way he wanted them to. So, in the middle of hot and sunny Hawaii, Bikram turned off the AC and turned on the heat. Further, “As an added benefit, the saunalike temperatures heightened their sense of euphoria and purification after workouts” (Martin 2011). This simple temperature change was a major part of the founding of Bikram Yoga.

The other major element in the development of Bikram’s Beginner Yoga classes was the sequence he developed for the Asana and Pranayama. When he was injured, Bikram set about finding the perfect poses that would allow him to heal. It then occurred to him that there may be a set of poses that address the most common ailments of the public. So, in Japan he set about creating and shifting a list of poses that, when done in a particular order, provided the maximum amount of stretching and strengthening possible. Once this sequence was completed, he was encouraged by some famous students of his to bring this technique to America. In America, this fast and efficient teaching method was quickly picked up by many of Hollywood’s notables in an attempt to be healthy as well as trendy.

A boom in the popularity of “Hot Yoga” meant a high demand for more teachers. [Image at  t Bikram took this opportunity to expand his empire by allowing students

to quickly become certified as teachers. After they completed a rigorous and expensive training course, these teachers could work for him in his schools or open their own franchises that would pay him rights. Currently, Bikram receives most of his income, not from the franchises themselves, but instead from the teacher certification course, which Bikram claims brings in the most money.

In 1973, there were three Bikram Yoga locations in the U.S. (Honolulu, San Francisco, and Beverly Hills). The first studio in BeverlyHills was located in the basement of a former bank building. By 2002, there were 500 Bikram Yoga studios. It is not entirely clear what produced the surge in the number of Bikram Yoga studios. Bikram himself has commented that “It was like this for years,” Choudhury says, drawing a flat line through the air. “Then in the last years it shot up, like this! Like a rocket!”Some factors. The American fascination with Asian spiritual teachers, the physical fitness fascination that swept America, the location in avant guarde California, and the celebrities that Bikram attracted all may have contributed.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Choudhury and his Bikram Yoga have faced controversy and opposition on a number of fronts: his putative commercialization of Yoga, competitors in the “hot yoga” market, and allegations of sexual impropriety, and a related erosion of yoga studios maintaining any visible relationship with the Bikram name.

Choudhury faced increasing personal scrutiny as controversy increased around his practice. While little had been, and remains, known about his early life, the hagiographic account that he created and that remains in place on many Bikram-sponsored websites has been substantially undermined (Armstrong 2018

There is strong opposition to the commercialization of among a number of traditional practitioners and groups for whom Bikram Yoga essentially constitutes selling a spiritual practice when one of the principles of Yoga discourages greed. As one observer stated: “Yoga is huge and infinite. What’s being branded are the physical aspects of the practice. You can’t brand the spiritual aspects. Yoga is not hamburgers.” Dr. Aseem Shulkla, co-founder of the Hindu American Foundation was even more pointed: “Call it exercise. Call it a good workout. Call it what you like,”….”But don’t call it yoga. It’s a cynical appropriation of Hinduism” (Martin 2011). There have been similar responses to Choudhury’s establishment of franchises (MacGregor 2002):

“We have never heard of this,” said Deborah Willoughby, founding editor of Yoga International, a Pennsylvania-based magazine that focuses on the spiritual dimensions of yoga. “A lot of places have branch centers, like Shivananda, or the Himalayan Institute, where students will open a center and work under the guidance of a spiritual director. But it is not like it is owned, or licensed. It is just a desire to spread the spiritual teachings.

This branding is particularly characteristic of American innovations on traditional Yoga. As observer Paul Keegan put the matter, “America is changing yoga….It’s turning from a spiritual discipline to a fitness routine and a marketable commodity.” Beyond the Americanization of Yoga, the higher level of athleticism and physical exertion required can have deleterious consequences. Theis (2013) reports that “The U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission, which monitors yoga injuries, has found there were about a dozen reported nationwide in 2000, and 7,369 in 2010, the most recent year studied. These include tendon, hamstring, disk, and back strain injuries. And, there is controversy whether this yoga-fitness regimen actually burns more calories than conventional yoga practice (Askell 2013).

Bikram Yoga has also faced an increasing number of competitors who adopt certain aspects of Bikram practice. One successful competitor is Modo Yoga, founded by a former Bikram practitioner has revised a number of Bikram precepts and practices (Rubin 2013):

There would be 40 postures and classes of varying length and format taught with no script, with the temperature set at just below 100 degrees rather than Bikram’s “torture chamber” (Mr. Choudhury’s description). Students are encouraged to drink water; Bikram suggests holding off as much as possible. And studios are to be of green construction from top to bottom. The selected name is Moksha, which is Sanskrit for freedom or liberation.

The group claims over sixty studios, with additional studios planned. Another competitor that also uses heated rooms, Core Power Yoga, is reported to be growing rapidly in the U.S. Choudhury has responded to competitors by labeling others offering Hatha Yoga as “circus clowns” and filing lawsuits where he felt there was infringement of his unique style of Yoga (MacGregor 2002; Wright, Newman, and Effron 2009; Fish 2006). Choudhury has been successful in trademarking his form of Yoga practice and the variety of products associated with it but not in copyrighting the sequence of postures that are at the center of Bikram Yoga as it is the expression of facts and ideas not facts and ideas themselves that are legally protected (Bennett 2013). Partly in response to Bikram Yoga’s attempt to copyright its practices, the government of India initiated a program to head off such initiatives (Gowan 2014): “For more than a decade, they’ve been building a vast compendium of age-old medicines and practices, the Traditional Knowledge Digital Library, which is now available to patent offices worldwide. They are documenting 1,500 yoga poses, some by videotape, which will be added online next year to help prevent the ‘misappropriation’ of yoga by commercial enterprises, said Archana Sharma, the project’s leader.”

Certainly the most potentially damaging problem Choudhury has faced is accusations of sexual harassment and assault. In 2013, he began facing six lawsuits involving sexual harassment or rape charges, five initiated in 2013 and one in 2015 (Koul 2013; Sanchez 2013; Ford 2015). The women all tell very similar stories. They were originally approached by Bikram when attending his classes. He told them that he felt a special, cosmic connection to them. Some felt flattered, others tried to turn his attention back to his wife, but none of them was prepared for the escalation of attention they received. As time went on, all women reported that Choudhury became more demanding of their time and attentions, singling them out for meetings alone or for massages from them. Then, after he was alone with them, generally in his room at a hotel, they allege that he pressured them to have sex with him. All of the women report having rejected his advances, and their resistance met with different results. Some women reported being groped and pushed up against walls before being allowed to leave. Some women stated that they were physically restrained within the room and were raped.

All of the womem report having suffered the same business fate. Those who had their own studios found that Choudhury had removed their name from his website, denying them any business by affiliation. Others who mostly taught at Bikram Yoga schools found themselves unable to teach and learned that Choudhury himself was encouraging others studios not to hire them to teach either. One woman reported losses of over $50,000 after Choudhury removed her school’s name from his website.

In the wake of the allegations, a number of schools once affiliated with Bikram Yoga have now dropped the name or the classes altogether to avoid the taint of the scandal (Healy 2015). For example, in 2019 the last remaining Bikram yoga studio in Vancouver, Canada came under increasing pressure to remove the Bikram affiliation as a result of the sexual abuse allegations (Hurst 2019).

 

For his part, Choudhury does not deny that he has had sexual relationships with his students but rather accuses them of blackmailing him (Martin 2011): “Only when they give me no choice! If they say to me, ‘Boss, you must fuck me or I will kill myself,’ then I do it! Think if I don’t! The karma!” He is also unrepenatant in the face of such charges. He has been quoted as saying that “I’m beyond Superman… I have balls like atom bombs, two of them, 100 megatons each. Nobody fucks with me” (Sussman 2005). In the wake of the Netflix documentary, simply denied its allegations, and his attorney referred to the contents as “just a package of rehashed material” (Hurst 2019).

 

 

IMAGES
Image #1: Front cover of Yoga Journal.
Image #2: Bikram Choudhury.
Image #3: Rajashree Choudhury.
Image #4: A “Love Your Sweat” Bikram Yoga poster.

Image # : The twenty-six poses (asanas) in Bikram Yoga that are derived from eighty four classical yoga poses.
Image # : Bikram Choudhury leading a yoga practice session.

 

 

REFERENCES

 

Bikram

Armstrong, Jerome. 2018. Calcutta Yoga: ​Buddha Bose and the Yoga Family of Bishnu Ghosh and Yogananda. NewAndroid.

Hurst, Allison. 2019. “Vancouver hot yoga studio feels blowback from scathing Bikram Netflix documentary,” November 26. Accessed from https://bc.ctvnews.ca/vancouver-hot-yoga-studio-feels-blowback-from-scathing-bikram-netflix-documentary-1.4703923 on 27 November 2019.

Hall, Colin. 2019. “Hot and Bothered: The Hype, History, and Science of Hot Yoga.” Yoga International. Accessed from https://yogainternational.com/article/view/hot-and-bothered-the-hype-history-and-science-of-hot-yoga on 11/25/2019.

Larson, Sarah. 2018. “Bikram” and the Fraught, Telling Tale of a Yoga Phenomenon.”
New Yorker, June 27. Accessed from https://www.newyorker.com/culture/podcast-dept/bikram-and-the-fraught-telling-tale-of-a-yoga-phenomenon on 11/25/2019.

 

 

Arkell, Harriet, 2013. “Sorry Gwyneth! ‘Hot Yoga’ Popular with Celebrities Does NOT Burn More Calories, Study Claims.” Daily Mail, August 6. Accessed from http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2385254/Sorry-Gwyneth-Hot-yoga-popular-celebrities-does-NOT-burn-calories-study-claims.html#ixzz2rcBM6r1r on 1 March 2015.

Bennett, Tamera. 2013.“Bikram Yoga Protected by Trademark NOT Copyright – It’s Hot!” January 12. Accessed from http://ipandentertainmentlaw.wordpress.com/2013/01/04/bikram-yoga-protected-by-trademark-not-copyright-its-hot/ on 1 March 2015.

Choudhury, Bikram and Bonnie Jones Reynolds. 1977. Bikram’s Beginning Yoga Class. New York: Tarcher.

Despres, Loraine. 2007. “Yoga’s Bad Boy: Bikram Choudhury.” Yoga Journal, August 28. Accessed from http://www.yogajournal.com/article/lifestyle/yoga-s-bad-boy-bikram-choudhury/ on 1 March 2015.

Fish, Allison. 2006. “The Commodification and Exchange of Knowledge in the Case of Transnational Commercial Yoga. International Journal of Cultural Property 13:189-206.

Ford, Dana. 2015. “Yoga Guru Bikram Choudhury Accused of Sex Assault, Rape.” CNN, February 26. Accessed from http://www.cnn.com/2015/02/25/us/bikram-yoga-sex-assault-lawsuits/ on 28 February 2015.

Healy, Jack. 2015. “Schism Emerges in Bikram Yoga Empire Amid Rape Claims.” New York Times , February 23. Accessed from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/24/us/cracks-show-in-bikram-yoga-empire-amid-claims-of-rape-and-assault.html?_r=2 on 1 March 2015.

Koul, Dvssvhi. 2013. “Inside the Bikram Yoga Scandals: Bikram Choudhury’s Accuser Speaks.” Hazlitt, August 13. Accessed from http://www.randomhouse.ca/hazlitt/feature/inside-bikram-yoga-scandals-bikram-choudhury%E2%80%99s-accuser-speaks

MacGregor, Hilary. 2002. “Had Your McYoga Today? A Stretch of Success.” Los Angeles Times, July 7. Accessed from http://articles.latimes.com/2002/jul/07/news/lv-bikram7 on 1 March 2015.

Martin, Clancy. 2011. “The Overheated, Oversexed Cult of Bikram Choudhury.” details.com. Accessed from
http://www.details.com/culture-trends/critical-eye/201102/yoga-guru-bikram-choudhury on 1 March 2015.

Muller, Judy. n.d. “Hot Yoga: New Form is Revolutionizing the Spiritual Exercise.” Accessed from http://www.bikramyoga.com/press/press8.htm on 31 January 2014.

Murphy, Rosalie. 2014. “ Why Your Yoga Class Is So White.” The Atlantic, July 8. Accessed from http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2014/07/why-your-yoga-class-is-so-white/374002/ on 1 March 2015.

Paramahansa Yogananda. 1998. Autobiography of a Yogi. Los Angeles: Self-Realization Fellowship.

Rubin, Courtney. 2013. “Modo, a New Version of Bikram Hot Yoga, Is Growing Popular.” New York Times, December 6. Accessed from http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/08/fashion/Moksha-Modo-a-New-Version-of-Bikram-Hot-Yoga-Is-Growing-Popular.html on 28 February 2015.

Singleton, Mark. 2010. Yoga Body: The Origins of Modern Posture Practice. New York: Oxford University Press.

Theiss, Evelyn. 2013. “’Hot Yoga’ is Gaining Popularity, and Injuries are Increasing Too.” The Plain Dealer, May 6. Accessed from http://connect.cleveland.com/staff/etheiss/posts.html on 1 March 2015 .

Wright, David, Ben Newman and Lauren Effron. 2012. “Bikram Yoga Guru Reaches Settlement in Copyright Suit.” ABC News, December 3. Accessed from http://abcnews.go.com/Business/bikram-yoga-guru-reaches-settlement-copyright-suit/story?id=17869598#.UL1gaOQ0chQ on 1 March 2015.

Sanchez, Raf. 2013. “ Yoga guru Bikram Choudhury ‘raped students in cult-like training’.” The Telegraph, December 5. Accessed from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/northamerica/usa/10498946/Yoga-guru-Bikram-Choudhury-raped-students-in-cult-like-training-camps.html on 1 March 2015.

YJ Editors. “Yoga Journal Releases 2012 Yoga in America Market Study.” Yoga Journal. Accessed from https://www.yogajournal.com/press-releases/yoga-journal-releases-2012-yoga-in-america-market-study on 28 November 2019.

Publication Date:
2 March 2015

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Aetherius Society

AETHERIUS SOCIETY TIMELINE

1919 (January 23) George King was born in Shropshire, England..

1954 The Aetherius Society was founded by King.

1959 BBC broadcast King, allowing a huge audience to witness his yogic skills.

1959 King expanded the Society to the U.S. where he established a center in Hollywood, CA.

1959 Operation Space Power began.

After 1960 The Society continued to expand and open other branches.

1963 The center in Hollywood was incorporated as a non-profit religious, scientific, and educational organization.

1966 Operation Sunbeam began.

1973 Operation Prayer Power began.

1997 (July 12) King passed away.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

The Aetherius Society describes itself as “a worldwide spiritual organization comprised of people dedicated to help uplift humanitythrough spiritual action” (Aetherius Society. 2006m; cf. Saliba 2000a, 2000b, 2001). Its goal is to restore, by the aid of the Cosmic Masters, the human race to a state of balance, which is threatened by selfishness and hedonism and by pollution, violence, and the depletion of the earth’s resources. Among its aims are “spiritual healing,” preparing “the way for the coming of the new Master,” and forming “a brotherhood based on the Teachings and Knowledge of the Cosmic Masters” (Aetherius Society 2006t). Its founder, George King, introduced the idea of the “Cosmic Concept,” the wisdom that provides a “new view of the universe” that reveals the true nature of the world in which we live. The Society’s view of the universe is evolutionary, but its evolution requires guidance by the Cosmic Masters, with whom its dedicated members cooperate (Aetherius Society 2006m).

In the mid-1940s and early 1950s, George King became interested in psychic phenomena and in yoga, which he practiced for 10 years. In May, 1954, he claimed to have received a summons in a loud voice: “Prepare yourself! You are to become the voice of Interplanetary Parliament.” “ A few days later he was visited by a world-renowned Yoga Master whom he knew to be alive and active in India at that time. This Master, in every way physical, entered and left through a locked door that he did not open. During the meeting, Dr. King was given a series of highly specialized exercises enabling him to bring about a state of consciousness necessary for the establishment of mental rapport with the Cosmic Masters who inhabit the higher planes of other planets” (Aetherius Society 2006b; cf. Melton 2009: 781). His mission had begun. During his lifetime, King cooperated with the Cosmic Masters (which include the Great White Brotherhood of Theosophy), among whom are some historical figures such as the Lord Buddha, Confucius, Jesus, and Count Saint-Germain (d. 1784), as well as extraterrestrials known as Master Aetherius, Goo-Ling, and Mars Sector 6. Members of the Society believe that George King was chosen by the Cosmic Masters to become the spiritual prophet or medium who transmits their messages to humankind. The command given to George King is central to the Aetherius Society, and its 50 th anniversary was commemorated throughout its centers and branches (Cosmic Voice 2004).

George King has been described both as a “mystagogue” (Wallis 1974), or as someone “who performs magical and/or sacramental actions to promote salvation” (Saliba 1995b: 223). He can also be described as a psychic, mystic, or spiritual healer. After receiving the command to become a channel for the Cosmic Masters, King claimed to have mastered many of the various techniques of Yoga, including Raja, Gnani, and Kundalini, all of which led him to consciously attain the state of Samadhi (Aetherius Society 2006b). He is held with high esteem by the members of the Aetherius Society. Chrissie Blaze (n.d.a), a well-known public lecturer on New Age topics and a member of the Michigan Branch of the Society, has described him as “a spiritual warrior” and as a spiritually gifted master of yoga who “lived and labored to bring peace and enlightenment to the world.”

His mastery of the various forms of Yoga enabled him to attain the elevated state of consciousness known as Samadhi which prepared him to be chosen as the “Primary Terrestrial Mental Channel” to deliver to the human race the messages of the Cosmic Masters. This allowed King to communicate with beings from other spiritual energy spheres. In this state of consciousness, he was able to receive teachings from the Cosmic Masters that the Aetherius Society believes will guide humanity as a whole to spiritual enlightenment. King is acknowledged as the “Primary Terrestrial Mental Channel for the Cosmic Masters.” His full title in the Society is “Sir George King, OSP, PhD, ThD, DD, Metropolitan Archbishop of the Aetherius Churches, Founder President of the Aetherius Society.” He also has other honorary titles, including Prince Grand Master of the Mystical Order of St. Peter, HRH Prince George King De Santori, and Knight of Malta. Certificates of these various degrees and titles are displayed at the Society’s Temple in Hollywood, California.

After receiving his call to channel, King gave up his research and materialistic pursuits in order to publish The Cosmic Voice, which included a transcript of his communications with the Cosmic Masters. He also began giving lectures around England describing his spiritual experiences (Melton 2009: 781). On May 21, 1959, BBC broadcast King while he was in a Samadhic trance, allowing a huge audience to witness his yogic skills (Aetherius Society n.d.b). In June, 1959, King expanded the Society to the U.S. and established a center in Hollywood, where, in 1963, The Aetherius Society was incorporated as a non-profit religious, scientific, and educational organization (Aetherius Society Newsletter 1963). Since the 1960s, the Society has opened other branches in Europe, Africa, and Australasia, all of which are listed on its Web page (Aetherius Society 2006s). It has also increased its membership over the last few decades.

The Society publishes The Aetherius Society Newsletter and Cosmic Voice: Cosmic Revelations for the New Age, which was later renamed Cosmic Voice: The Journal of the Aetherius Society. Earlier issues of these publications (from 1961-1980 and 1980-1997 respectively) have been archived online (Aetherius Society 2006u) and are available to members only. Friends of the Society can subscribe to the Journal which contains news about the Society’s activities, and its missions, as well as comments of various current issues. Members can also subscribe to the Newsletter, which has information on the various branches and operations.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

The Aetherius Society describes itself as an international UFO organization dedicated to world peace and enlightenment. The society’s religious belief system encompasses the root teachings of world religions, and relies heavily on the Theosophical tradition, scientific findings and developments, and a cosmic view of humanity, which its members claim to have received from the extraterrestrials who are referred to as Cosmic Masters. Ellwood (1995: 394) points out that UFO religions including the Aetherius Society believe in “an order of spiritually significant beings between the human and ultimate reality, with which one can have conversational and disciplic relations.” Such interaction “opens up a sense of expanded consciousness and cosmic wonder.”

The Aetherius Society teaches that each person exists within one’s consciousness and, therefore, that the individual will continue to exist even after one’s physical body is gone. Once the soul/consciousness leaves the body, its energy level intensifies and it is transported to the “astral plane” where it will remain until it is ready to be reincarnated in a new physical body. By tapping into what many believe is the “universal consciousness,” George King was able to connect with this other level of existence, as had many other practitioners of yoga, meditation, and various exercises leading to an altered state of consciousness. Aetherius Society members believe that the Cosmic Masters on other planets are advanced beings that have learned to control the vibratory rate of their energy level and have chosen to exist permanently on a higher realm of consciousness (Aetherius Society 2006d).

The Cosmic Masters are believed to be far more technologically and spiritually advanced than human beings. They have, therefore, been able to build spacecraft that avoid detection by radar and telescopes until they choose to let their presence be known. According to the Society, this has happened repeatedly through recent history. Society members explain that extraterrestrials can decrease their vibratory rate at will and assume physical bodies as easily as they can increase their energy levels and dematerialize. When asked why the Masters choose to visit us, the Society responds that they are benevolent beings who wish to guide humankind in its evolution. They define the evolution process as the journey back to God the Creator. Once a soul masters its lessons on Earth, it leaves the cycle of rebirth and moves on to a more subtle and lasting body. This is described as an inward journey toward the “Spark of God” within us (Aetherius Society. 2006d). Not only do these extraterrestrials act as spiritual guides, they also protect the human race from both internal and external forces. Members of the Aetherius Society believe that the Cosmic Masters actively prevent ecological disasters, as well as cosmic warfare, and that there are flying saucers hovering constantly around the Earth guarding us from evil and warning us about imminent attacks (Saliba 1995a: 28). At one point, the Cosmic Masters went so far as to devise an invisible barrier around the planet to shield it from destructive forces (Saliba 1995a: 36). Despite their efforts, however, Earth is believed to be presently under attack by “The Black Magicians” who wish to enslave its inhabitants (Melton 2009: 781).

The Society teaches that those souls that achieve enlightenment but choose to stay to help humankind become members of “The Great White Brotherhood” in the spiritual hierarchy of Earth. On the other hand, those that leave Earth may choose to begin life on other planets within our solar system, both to learn new lessons and to help new civilizations. According to the Society’s teachings, all aspects of the universe, including Mother Earth, are sentient and alive, and at some point in our infinite existence we will merge with other life forms and become moons, planets, stars, and other celestial bodies. These great beings contain the deepest wisdom, are in closest unity with God, and they aid human beings in their path towards enlightenment.

One of the central beliefs of the Aetherius Society is the Law of Karma (Aetherius Society 2006k; cf. King 1962b), namely “the law of consequence with regard to action, which is the driving force behind the cycle of reincarnation or rebirth in Asian religions” (Bowker 1997: 535). Members of the Aetherius Society believe that humankind is severely out of karmic balance and, therefore, is teetering on the brink of total self-destruction, an event which they believe has taken place twice before on Earth. The first catastrophic fall occurred in what is known as Lemuria, or Mu, and was followed by the fall of Atlantis. Before our existence on Earth, members of the Society believe that humankind lived on a planet called Maldek, once found between Mars and Jupiter. The Aetherius Society teaches that this planet was destroyed in a global war which left only an asteroid belt in its wake (Aetherius Society 2006r; King 1962c)

Members of the Aetherius Society maintain that the end of humankind on Earth will come as a result of advanced technology and increased materialism. Our only hope is to begin focusing on the development of our higher selves and to learn how to practice science within the Law of God. In order to restore balance between technological and spiritual growth, the Cosmic Masters have been given permission to increase their help to humankind. They both guide us towards God with the teachings they have sent through George King and boost our spiritual energy by sending large amounts of positive, healing energy towards Earth at certain times of the year in what are called “Spiritual Pushes” (Aetherius Society n.d.e).

Between his first contact with extraterrestrials in 1954 and his death in 1997, George King received over 600 transmissions from the Cosmic Masters. Among the most important of these that are still available in book form are The Twelve Blessings (King 1962a;cf. Aetherius Society. 2006q) and The Nine Freedoms (King 1963; cf. Aetherius Society 2006r). Selections from these transmissions are sometimes played during the Sunday services. The Twelve Blessings were received on consecutive Sundays between July 27 and October 12, 1958. These teachings are believed to be sent by the Master Jesus who now resides on the planet Venus and appear to be an extension of the Beatitudes recorded in Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount (Gospel of Matthew, ch. 5:3-10). They are part of the devotional practices of the Society’s members who recite selections of them during services held on Monday evenings. The Nine Freedoms were transmitted in 1961 by the Lord of Karma from Mars Sector Six. They detail the major steps one must take in the journey towards Cosmic Consciousness.

Now that George King has “moved on,” the Cosmic Masters have prophesized that another Master will eventually come to replace him. On November 23, 1958, the Lord Karma sent a Cosmic Prophecy revealing the coming of the next Master and explaining how to identify him. “There will shortly come ‘Another’ among you. He will stand tall among men with a shining countenance. This One will be attired in a single garment of the type now known to you. His shoes will be soft-topped, yet not made of the skin of animals. He will approach the Earth leaders. They will ask of Him His credentials. He will produce these. His magic will be greater that any upon Earth – greater than the combined materialistic might of all the armies. And they, who heed not His words, shall be removed from the Earth. This Rock is now Holy – and will remain so for as long as the World exists. Go ye forth and spread My Word, so that all men of pure heart may prepare for His coming” (King, n.d., cf. Aetherius Society 2006l).

The Society has made no attempt to specify when exactly this prediction will be fulfilled. In fact, the advent of this Master is shrouded in mystery. In a recorded talk King stated that the “next Master will come to Earth only when the time is right, as decided by the Karmic Lords. It could be within ten years or it could be a hundred years or even longer. It depends on humanity’s progress. When humanity evolves to a certain stage, and enough people are firmly on the ladder of spiritual growth, then the karma will be such that he can come.”

RITUALS

Members of the Aetherius Society believe that “service is the key to human salvation and that they have dedicated themselves to help heal and uplift humanity through spiritual action” (Aetherius Society. 2006m). In the desire to serve humankind, George King initiated several cosmic missions or operations (Aetherius Society 2006n; cf. Saliba 2003: 134-35); some, like Mission Prayer Power, Operation Sunbeam, and Operation Space Power continue today, others, like Operation Starlight and Operation Blue Water have been completed).

One of these ongoing missions is Operation Prayer Power began in 1973 (Aetherius Society 2006f). The purpose of this mission is to store “prayer energy” created by dynamic prayer, the recital of Tibetan mantras, and the use of mudras in order that the prayer energy may be sent out in a highly concentrated form to areas that are in need. This healing energy is controlled by cooperating Cosmic Masters who use a device called the Spiritual Energy Radiator to redirect the prayers.

A second mission performed by the Society is Operation Sunbeam (Aetherius Society 2006g) which is directly concerned with the welfare of the planet Earth. Members of the society use energy that would otherwise have been employed for the good of humanity and send it directly to the Earth. It other words, it redirects spiritual energy meant for humankind to Mother Earth. The first transmission of energy to the Earth took place on September 24, 1966. Since then, over 600 transmissions have been completed. The Aetherius Society believes that each of these acts performed selflessly by its members helps to balance human Karma and, therefore, brings human beings closer to God. This spiritual energy is actually located on nineteen Holy Mountains (Ae therius Society. 2006j), and George King devised and built the equipment to make this transmission possible.

A third mission, called “Operation Space Power,” (King 1987; cf. Aetherius Society 2006e), involves cooperation between Interplanetary Beings and the Aetherius Society in order to radiate spiritual power to Earth. Several times a year, a “large intergalactic spacecraft” called “Satellite No. 3” sends cosmic and solar energies which are beneficial to the human race and which are stored by the Aetherius Society in specially designed “Spiritual Energy Radiators.”

Two other missions, called “Operation Starlight” (Aetherius Society 2006o) and “Operation Blue Water,” (Aetherius Society 2006p) were started by King and completed, with the aid of the Cosmic Masters, between 1958-1961 and 1963-1964, respectively.

In Operation StarLight, King climbed to the tops of eighteen out of nineteen Holy Mountains (Aetherius Society 2006j) where he transmitted a charge of spiritual energy from the Cosmic Masters. These mountains are described as “spiritual energy batteries” that cannot be discharged or depleted and are, therefore, a continuous source of blessing to those who climb them. They are powerful psychic centers and the Aetherius Society organizes regular pilgrimages to them (Aetherius Society 2006i). King is credited with the success of the mission because he “ manipulated the karma of humanity through his physical effort of climbing the mountains and using his advanced abilities to achieve the elevated yogic trance-state that allowed the energy to flow through him” (Aetherius Society 2006o). According to Saint Goo-Ling, one of the Cosmic Masters, the most potent spiritual practice available to humans is to recite “The Twelve Blessings” on one of these sacred places during a Spiritual Push, also known as a “Magnetization Period” (Aetherius Society 2006h).

Operation Blue Water (cf. Blaze, n.d.b), which is said to have been a difficult mission carried out at psychic center off the California coast, corrected what Society members believe was a warp in the earth magnetic fields caused both by atomic experiments of the 1950s and by the negative thoughts and actions of human beings.

Besides a Sunday service, prayer and healing services are held on a weekly basis. Special services are held to commemorate important events in the history of the Society and its missions (Scribner and Wheeler 2003:160ff.)

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

The Aetherius Society is managed by three different boards: the board of International Directors, who make all legal and administrative decisions; a group of ten senior engineering officers, who oversee the technical aspects of the various missions and operations; and the Synod, consisting of bishops and priests, which is responsible for all the religious aspects of the society, such as temple services and pilgrimages (Aetherius Society 2006y; cf. Barrett, 2011:121-122; Clarke 2006:5). It offers three kinds of membership (Aetherius Society 2006v): (1) “full,” which involves commitment and active participation in its activities, (2) “associate,” for those who support the aims of the society but do not assume an active role, and (3) “friend,” which refers to those who are sympathetic to the Society’s views. There are various groupings of members. “Branches” refers to a center where there are enough members to form a congregation. A “group” denotes the presence of the Society in much smaller numbers, while “representatives” indicate the presence of only one or a few members. Scribner and Wheeler (2003:16-168) observed that a distinction “between good and ‘absolutely first class, members” was made and that “the highest members were sworn to secrecy, and the vulnerable secrets of the organization were elaborately protected.” Such a distinction is not made in the Society’s Web page.

The Society does not provide any membership data. It is thus difficult to estimate how many people there are who fit into the three categories of membership mentioned above. Barrett (2001: 387; 2011: 122) states that according to Bishop Richard Lawrence, the executive secretary of the European Headquarters in London, the membership in the society is in the thousands. Smith (2003: 91) reports that the UFO News UK claimed that the Aetherius Society had “around 10,000 people on its mailing list in the UK alone.” Clark (2006: 5; cf. Barrett 2012: 122) estimates that in the United Kingdom there are between six and seven hundred members and eight thousand on its mailing list while Melton (2009: 781) estimates that in the United States there are almost seven hundred on this list. These figures are somewhat dated and incomplete since they contain no reference to membership on other continents. A reasonable estimate would put its number of full and associate membership at around three thousand in 2010.

The Society’s Web Page (Aetherius Society 2006w) lists two Headquarters, one in London and the other in Hollywood, California. There are several branches, over thirty groups, and about a dozen or so other representatives. These are spread over several continents, including North America, Europe (mainly the United Kingdom), Australia, and Africa.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

To date, the Aetherius Society has been a benign presence in the community of UFO-based new religions, and has not been involved in major controversy. This may be partly due to the fact that those who join the Society are adults and more likely to have been already involved in New Age practices before becoming members. Moreover, the organization does not proselytize, though its members have at times engaged in “promotional campaigns.” Miller (2008), after an interview with Richard Lawrence at the Society’s headquarters in London, remarked that it was “n ever one to push themselves forward and [have] virtually a negative recruitment policy .”Some Christians, however, remain suspicious and consider the Society a “cult” in the pejorative sense. One evangelical Web page (Anonymous 2009) reads: “Interestingly enough, there has been little to no criticism of the Aetherius Society. There have been no negative media stories with regard to this group but with the right conditions, such as millennialism or some kind of catastrophe, this could be a dangerous group.”

The beliefs and practices of the Society, however, have been heavily criticized and ridiculed (e.g. Mamer, 2012a, 2012b), though it is not been denounced as a fraudulent cult that manipulates its members. In fact, some have stated explicitly that it does not fit into the criteria of a “cult” (Radcliffe 2007). Several of the main anti-cult organizations omit mentioning it in their information on cults. Rick Ross, for example, does not mention the Aetherius Society or George King in his lengthy list of movements (Ross n.d.a), though he provides about half a dozen links to it, most of which are inaccessible (Ross n.d.b). Another anti-cult Internet resource, F.A.C.T.net (Fi ght Against Coercive Tactics Network), similarly leaves out any reference to the Society and its founder (F.A.C.T.net. n.d.).

There are some ex-members who criticize the Society because it “ no longer meets the standards of a True path to Enlightenment through Service” and because, since the death of George King, its members “are once more playing childish ego games which have the potential to harm others and are definitely NOT in any genuine way attributable to his original stated mission for the “salvation and enlightenment of humanity’” (Past Aetherius Society Members 2008). They have also accused the Society of being led by a few power-hungry individuals who marginalize the average member and of being racist. In spite of these criticisms, there seems to be little or no organized opposition.

The Society is aware of these continuing negative reactions and activities both from some members and ex-members. Richard Lawrence, in his report on a recent extraordinary general meeting held in London, stated that “for about five years, false allegations and malicious rumours have been circulated around the world by a handful of Members and former Members in England who have claimed to represent Membership opinion in this region. “ He adds “All the International Directors at the European Headquarters have stood firm despite the scurrilous attempts, sometimes from unexpected quarters, to undermine us” (Lawrence 2012: 1). A short formal response to criticism of the Society’s believes and activities has also been made by the Rev. Paul Nugent (2010), a director of the Society at its American headquarters, who brushes aside such criticism by stating that the members of The Aetherius Society have ”been going against the prevailing wind of terrestrial ignorance” since its foundation.


REFERENCES

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http://www.aetherius.org/index.cfm?app=content&SectionID=80&PageID=55 on March 28, 2012.

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Aetherius Society. 2006h. “Magnitization Periods.” Accessed from http://www.aetherius.org/index.cfm?app=content&SectionID=45&PageID=74 on March 28, 2012.

Aetherius Society. 2006i. “Pilgrimages to Holy Mountains.” Accessed from http://66.241.250.4/index.cfm?app=content&SectionID=79 on March 23, 2012.

Aetherius Society, 2006j. “The Holy Mountains of the World.” Accessed from http://www.aetherius.org/index.cfm?app=content&SectionID=79&PageID=35 on March 28, 2012.

Aetherius Society. 2006k. “Some Basic Principles.” “What are the Main Beliefs of the Society?” Accessed from http://www.aetherius.org/index.cfm?app=content&SectionID=40&PageID=48 on March 23, 2012.

Aetherius Society. 2006l. “The Next Master.” Accessed from http://www.aetherius.org/index.cfm?app=content&SectionID=154&PageID=412 on March 23, 2012.

Aetherius Society. 2006m. “About the Aetherius Society?” Accessed from http://www.aetherius.org/index.cfm?app=content&SectionID=28 on March 23, 2012.

Aetherius Society. 2006n. “The Cosmic Missions.” Accessed from http://www.aetherius.org/index.cfm?app=content&SectionID=80 0n March 28, 2012.

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Barrett, V. David. 2002. The New Believers: Sects, “Cults,” and Alternative Religions. London: Cassell and Co.

Barrett, V. David. 2012. Secret Religions: A Complete Guide to Hermetic, Pagan, and Esoteric Beliefs. London: Constable and Robinson.

Blaze, Chrissie. n.d.a. “Western Master of Yoga, Dr. George King.” Accessed from http://www.chrissieblaze.com/drgeorgeking.shtml on March 28, 2012

Chrissie Blaze. n.d.b. “The Global Missions of the Aetherius Society.” Accessed from http://www.chrissieblaze.com/globalhealing.shtml accessed on March 28, 2012.

Bowker, John, ed. 1997. The Oxford Dictionary of World Religions. New York: Oxford University Press.

Clark, Peter B., ed. 2006. Encyclopedia of New Religious Movements. London and NY: Routledge.

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Ellwood, S. Robert. 1995. “UFO Religious Movements.” Pp. 393-400 in America’s Alternative Religions, edited by Timothy Miller. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

F.A.C.T.net. n.d. “Resources & Support for Recovery from the Coercive Practices of Cults & Religions since 1993.” Accessed from http://www.factnet.org/cults-sects-index on March 22, 2012.

King, George. 1962a. The Twelve Blessings: The Cosmic Concept as Given by the Master Jesus. Hollywood, CA: Aetherius Society. (First published in 1958).

King, George. 1962b. Karma and Reincarnation. Hollywood, CA: Aetherius Society.

King, George. 1962c. The Nine Freedoms. Hollywood, CA: Aetherius Society.

King, George. 1987. Operation Space Power: The Solution to the Spiritual Crisis Energy. Hollywood, CA: Aetherius Society.

King, George. n. d. “The Next Master is Coming: A Lecture by Dr. George King.” CD. Hollywood, CA: Aetherius Society.

Lawrence, Richard. 2012. “Landslide Vote for Amended Constitution at Extraordinary General Meetings In London.” Aetherius Society E-Newsletter, April, 2012, p. 1.

Mamer, Karl. 2012a. “ Toronto Aetherius Society: Jesus, Venusians, and Some Bad Astronomy.” Skeptic North. Accessed from http://www.skepticnorth.com/2012/01/toronto-aetherius-society-jesus-venusians-and-some-bad-astronomy-part-1/ on March 29, 2012.

Mamer, Karl. 2012b. “Toronto Aetherius Society: His Master’s Voice, Stuff that Goes Boom, and a Lack of Proof (Part II).” Skeptic North.” Accessed from http://www.skepticnorth.com/2012/01/toronto-aetherius-society-his-masters-voice-stuff-that-goes-boom-and-a-lack-of-proof-part-2/ on March 29, 2012.

Melton, J. Gordon. 2009. Melton’s Encyclopedia of American Religions. Detroit, MI: Gale Centage Learning.

Miller, Stuart. 2008. “Aetherius Society.” Alien Worlds, Issue 4. Accessed from http://alienworldsmag.blogspot.com/ on March 29, 2012.; for the full interview, see “The Aetherius Society by Stuart Miller.” Accessed from http://www.aetherius.com/alienworldsart on March, 30, 2012.

Nugent, Paul. 2010. “The Aetherius Society: A Response to Criticism.” Accessed from http://paulnugent.tumblr.com/post/1093803177/the-aetherius-society-a-response-to-criticism on March 23, 2012.

“Past Aetherius Society Members.” 2008. “Past Aetherius Society Members….. Leaving the Aetherius Society Behind!” Accessed from http://pastaetheriussocietymembers.blogspot.com/ on March 28, 2012.

Radcliffe, Royce. 2007. “About the Aetherius Society.” Accessed from http://www.helium.com/items/295165-about-the-aetherius-society on March 30, 2012.

Ross, Rick. n.d.a. The Ross Internet Archives for the Study of Destructive Cults, Controversial Groups and Movements. Accessed from http://www.rickross.com/ on March 22, 2012.

Ross, Rick. n.d.b. “Links.” http://www.stelling.nl/simpos/aetherius.htm on March 28, 2012.

Saliba, A. John. 1995a. “Religious Dimensions of UFO Phenomena.” Pp. 15-64 in The Gods Have Landed: New Religions from Other Worlds, edited by James R. Lewis. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Saliba, A. John. 1995b. “UFO Contactee Phenomena from a Sociopsychological Perspective.” Pp. 207-50 in The Gods Have Landed: New Religions from Other Worlds, edited by James R. Lewis. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Saliba, John A. 2000a. “Aetherius Society.” Pp. 7-10 in UFOs and Popular Culture: An Encyclopedia of Contemporary Myth, edited by James R. Lewis. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO.

Saliba, John A. 2000b. “Aetherius Society.” Pp. 359-62 in Odd Gods: New Religions and the Cult Controversy, edited by James R. Lewis Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

Saliba, A. John. 2001. “Aetherius Society.” Pp. 35-38 in The Encyclopedia of Cults, Sects, and New Religions, edited by James R. Lewis. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

Saliba, A. John. 2003. “The Earth is a Dangerous Place: The World View of the Aetherius Society.” Pp.123-42 in The Encyclopedic Sourcebook of UFO Religions, edited by James R. Lewis. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. First published in The Marburg Journal of Religion, 4:2 (1999). Accessed from http://www.uni-marburg.de/fb03/ivk/mjr/past_issues/1999-2001#1999 on March 30, 2012.

Scribner, Scott R., and Gregory Wheeler. 2003. “Cosmic Intelligences and Their Terrestrial Channel: A Field Report on the Aetherius Society. Pp. 157-i71 in The Encyclopedic Sourcebook of UFO Religions, edited by James R. Lewis. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

Smith, Simon G. 2003. “Opening a Channel of the Stars: The Origins and Development of the Aetherius Society.” Pp. 84-102 in UFO Religions, edited by Christopher Partridge. London and NY: Routledge.

Wallis, Roy. 1974. “The Aetherius Society: A Case Study in the Formation of a Mystagogic Congregation.” Sociological Review 22:27-44.

ADDITIONAL RESOURCES

Rothstein, Mikael. 2009. “World Savior in Undergarment: The Palpable Jesus of The Aetherius Society.” Pp 256-74 in Alternative Christs, edited by Olav Hammer. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Rothstein, Mikael. 2003. “The Idea of the Past, the Reality of the Present, and the Construction of the Future: A Case Study of the Aetherius Society.” Pp 143-56 in Encyclopedia Sourcebook of UFO Religions, edited by James R. Lewis. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

Rothstein, Mikael. 2003. “Hagiography and Text in The Aetherius Society: Aspects of the Social Construction of a Religious Leader.” Pp 165-93 in New Religions in a Postmodern World, edited by Mikael Rothstein and Reender Kranenborg. Aarhus, DM: Aarhus University; also Pp. 3-24 in Alien Worlds: Social and Religious Dimensions of Extraterrestrial Contact, edited by Diana G. Tumminia. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2007.

Authors:
John A. Saliba
Amanda J. Tellefsen

Post Date:
4 April 2012

 

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Branch Davidians (1981-2006)

BRANCH DAVIDIAN TIMELINE  [See an extended profile here)

1981 Vernon Howell (age 22) arrived at Mount Carmel Center on the outskirts of Waco, Texas.

1984 Vernon Howell married Rachel Jones (age 14), daughter of long-time Branch Davidians Perry and Mary Belle Jones.

1984 Lois Roden sent a letter inviting Branch Davidians around the country to come to Mount Carmel for Passover and hear Vernon Howell give Bible studies.

1984 The Passover gathering of Branch Davidians was divided between people who listened to Vernon Howell’s Bible studies and people who gathered around George Roden.

1984 Because of George Roden’s violence, the core group of Branch Davidians following Vernon Howell left Mount Carmel to live in Waco.

1985 Vernon and Rachel Howell visited Israel, where he received his messianic calling. This was the origin of his identity as David Koresh.

1985 David Koresh and Branch Davidians settled at a camp they constructed in the woods near Palestine, Texas.

1985 Koresh traveled to California and Hawaii to proselytize. He promoted his band and music in Los Angeles.

1986 Koresh and Clive Doyle visited Australia to spread Koresh’s message. Koresh subsequently returned to Australia twice more and gained converts.

1986 Lois Roden died and George Roden assumed control of Mount Carmel.

1986 Koresh began to take additional (extralegal) wives with whom to have children to fulfill what he taught were biblical prophecies.

1987 George Roden and Koresh and a group of his followers were involved in a gun fight at Mt. Carmel; the participants were arrested.

1988 The trial of Vernon Howell (David Koresh) and his men resulted in acquittal of the men and a hung jury on Howell. All were released from jail.

1988 In an unrelated incident, George Roden was put into jail for a time. He was also prohibited from returning to Mount Carmel due to reactivation of an old restraining order that had been taken out originally by Lois Roden.

1988 The Branch Davidians returned to Mount Carmel and began to repair the property.

1988 Steve Schneider made his first trip to Britain to present Koresh’s message to Adventists. Koresh followed up by visiting Britain to proselytize. A number of British converts were gained.

1989 Koresh began teaching a “New Light” revelation that all the women (including already married women) in the community were his wives, and all the men other than himself were to be celibate.

1989 Marc Breault and his wife, Elizabeth Baranyai, left Mount Carmel, moved to Australia, and began a campaign to discredit Koresh and his teachings.

1990 Vernon Howell legally changed his name to David Koresh.

1990 Koresh initiated a number of business ventures involving the buying and selling of arms and related paraphernalia at gun shows.

1991 David Jewell, the non-Branch Davidian father of Kiri Jewell, age ten, obtained temporary custody of Kiri when she cames to visit him in Michigan.

1992 Martin King of Australia’s A Current Affair traveled with a camera crew to Mount Carmel to film Koresh giving a Bible study and to interview Koresh for a story aired on Australian television.

1992 Marc Breault testified about Koresh’s sexual relations with underage girls in a custody hearing in Michigan. The result was that the mother, a Branch Davidian member, lost custody.

1992 Koresh was investigated by the Texas Child Protection Services, but the case was closed due to lack of evidence.

1992 The Branch Davidians moved into the large residence at Mount Carmel that they began constructing in 1991, tearing down the individual cottages.

1992 Numerous Branch Davidians came to Mount Carmel from abroad for Passover. Allegations of impending group suicide proved unfounded.

1992 (Late) The Branch Davidians were aware that Mount Carmel was under surveillance by men living in a house across the street and helicopters frequently flying overhead.

1993 (February 28) About 9:45 a.m. agents with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms carried out an armed raid on the residence at Mount Carmel to deliver warrants, and a shootout ensued. Six Branch Davidians and four ATF agents died.

1993 (March 1) FBI agents took control of Mount Carmel and oversaw the siege. Tanks were brought onto the property the next day.

1993 (April 19) A tank and CS-gas assault on the residence by the FBI’s Hostage Rescue Team began at 6:00 a.m. In the conflagration that ensued, seventy-six Branch Davidians died.

1994 A criminal trial was held to try charges brought against eleven of the Branch Davidian survivors.

1995 Crape myrtle trees were planted at Mount Carmel for each Branch Davidian who died in 1993.

1999 Clive Doyle and his mother Edna Doyle moved back to Mount Carmel. A new chapel and visitor’s center were constructed.

1999 Attorney General Janet Reno appointed former Senator John C. Danforth as Special Counsel to conduct an investigation into whether the actions of FBI agents caused the deaths on April 19.

2000 The Special Counsel conducted a “FLIR reenactment” at Fort Hood to determine if flashes captured on Forward Looking Infrared film on April 19, 1993 were automatic gunfire directed toward the Branch Davidians.

2000 Wrongful death lawsuits were brought against the government by relatives of deceased Branch Davidians and by Branch Davidian survivors who had come to trial in federal court. The case was dismissed.

2000 The Danforth Report, which concluded that actions of FBI agents did not cause deaths of Branch Davidians on April 19, 1993, was published.

2000 As a result of a Supreme Court appeal, several Branch Davidians had their sentences reduced.

2000 (April 19) The first memorial service was held in the new chapel.

2006 Clive Doyle left Mount Carmel; the Visitor’s Center was closed. Charles Pace, prophet of a rival group that rejected David Koresh as prophet and messiah, took control of Mount Carmel.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

In 1981, when 22-year-old Vernon Howell, who in 1990 legally changed his name to David Koresh (1959-1993), arrived at Mount Carmel Center on the outskirts of Waco, Texas, the Branch Davidian Seventh-day Adventist movement had been in existence for 26 years. It had been founded by Ben Roden (1902-1978) in 1955, and, in 1981, the movement was led by his wife Lois Roden (1905-1986). The Branch Davidian movement had split off from an earlier group in Waco, the Davidian Seventh-day Adventists led by Victor T. Houteff (1885-1955). Both movements were offshoots from the Seventh-day Adventist Church, and therefore Davidians and Branch Davidians viewed the writings of Ellen G. White (1827-1915), the Seventh-day Adventist prophet, as authoritative. Based on the model of Ellen G. White, both Davidians and Branch Davidians regarded their leaders who presented interpretations of the Bible’s apocalyptic prophecies they found convincing as prophets.

Lois Roden’s status as Branch Davidian prophet was challenged by her violent son, George Roden (1938-1998); so when Vernon Howell demonstrated a talent for learning and interpreting Bible passages, she began to promote him as her successor. Branch Davidians scattered around North America were invited to come to Mount Carmel for Passover in 1984 to hear Howell give Bible studies. This marked the shift in allegiance on the part of some long-time Branch Davidians living at Mount Carmel to Vernon Howell. They regarded Lois Roden as having lost “the Spirit of Prophecy” (Pitts 2009).

Later in 1984, Howell and his followers left Mount Carmel due to George Roden’s violence. They lived in Waco for a time, then at a campground in Mexia, Texas, and then settled in a camp they constructed in the piney woods near Palestine, Texas (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:58-63; Martin 2009:33-41; Haldeman 2007:33-38).

In 1985, Howell and his wife Rachel visited Israel where Howell had experiences that revealed he was the Christ for the Last Days. This marks the emergence of his identity as David Koresh (Tabor 2005). After they returned to Texas, their son Cyrus was born. The Branch Davidians noted that he taught with greater confidence and authority after he returned from Israel.

While the community lived at the Palestine camp, a number of members traveled to work in Texas, California, and Hawaii. David Koresh traveled to California, Hawaii, and Australia to proselytize. In Los Angeles, he promoted his rock band; his theology was expressed in the songs that he composed and sang.

In 1986, Koresh revealed to his followers that God wanted him to take additional wives with whom to have children who would play key roles in the coming Judgment. In Texas at that time, fourteen was the age at which it was legal for a girl to marry with parental consent. Koresh’s first extralegal wife was fourteen, but the second, Michele Jones, the sister of his wife Rachel, was twelve when he first had sex with her (Thibodeau with Whiteson 1999:109, 114).

In 1987, George Roden dug up the casket of Anna Hughes, who was buried in the cemetery at Mount Carmel. Roden challengedKoresh to a contest to see which of them could raise her from the dead. Koresh declined and reported the disinterment to the McLennan County Sheriff’s Department. The deputies declined to go to Mount Carmel without proof that a body had been removed from its grave, so Koresh and some of his men purchased weapons for protection and went to Mount Carmel to try to photograph the corpse without being detected by Roden. While they were there, Roden fired at them, and Koresh shot back. Sheriff’s deputies arrived to arrest Koresh and his men (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:65-66; Haldeman 2007:55-59).

The trial in 1988 resulted in the acquittal of the Branch Davidian men, but the jury could not decide whether or not Howell (Koresh) was guilty of attempted murder. All of them went free. George Roden was put into jail for writing threatening letters to the judge, and the Branch Davidians had a restraining order prohibiting Roden from coming onto the Mount Carmel property reactivated. The Branch Davidians returned to Mount Carmel to live, and cleaned up the little houses in which they would live until 1992 when the large building was finished. They found equipment to make methamphetamine in one of the houses, which Koresh turned over to the Sheriff’s Department (Haldeman 2007:59-63).

In 1988, Steve Schneider, one of Koresh’s apostles, went to England to present Bible studies about Koresh’s message to Adventists. Koresh also visited England to present his message. A number of British converts were gained who would ultimately relocate to Mount Carmel.

In 1989, Koresh taught that all the women in the community were his wives, and all the men except himself should be celibate (Tabor and Gallagher 1995:68-76). An increasing number of his children began to be born. Marc Breault and his wife Elizabeth Baranyai left the group and moved to Australia. Breault worked to persuade Australian Branch Davidians that Koresh’s teachings were false. Breault contacted American authorities and the media in Texas and Australia about Koresh’s activities (Tabor and Gallagher 1995:80-93).

In September, 1990, Koresh was introduced to Henry McMahon, a licensed gun dealer, who taught Koresh about guns and the firearms trade (Thibodeau and Whiteson 1999:127). David Koresh and some of his men increasingly bought and sold guns and related paraphernalia at gun shows: (1) to be prepared for self-defense in the assault that Koresh predicted would occur as part of Endtime events and (2) to make money to support the members of the community.

In 1992, in Michigan Breault testified about Koresh’s sexual relations with underage girls in a hearing concerning the custody of Kiri Jewell who had been living with her mother, Sherri Jewell, at Mount Carmel. Kiri’s father was not a Branch Davidian. Kiri reported that Koresh had sexual contact with her at age ten in a motel room where she had been left by her mother. Sherri Jewell lost custody and returned to Mount Carmel. Kiri declined to press charges, but her father filed a complaint with Texas Child Protective Services. David Koresh was investigated but the case was closed for lack of evidence (Tabor and Gallagher 1993:85-86; Kiri Jewell’s testimony and written statement in Joint Hearings 1995:1:147-55).

In 1992, Branch Davidians from around North America and other countries traveled to Mount Carmel to celebrate Passover in the large building by listening to Koresh’s Bible studies. By this time, the little houses had been torn down. Breault and other former Branch Davidians alleged to the Sheriff’s Department that the Branch Davidians were going to commit group suicide during Passover week, but nothing happened (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:71-72).

By late 1992, the Branch Davidians were aware that they were under surveillance by the overflights of helicopters and the men who had rented a house across Double EE Ranch Road from Mount Carmel. It was obvious to the Branch Davidians that the two men from the house who came over to Mount Carmel on various pretexts were inspecting their property. On one occasion in 1993, the two men came over with two AR-15 semi-automatic rifles, showed them to Koresh, and went with him behind the large residence to shoot the weapons (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:115-19; Haldeman 2007:73-74; ATF memo reprinted in Hardy with Kimball 2001:326). Unknown to the Branch Davidians at that time, the men were with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms. One of them, Robert Rodriguez, came to Mount Carmel for Bible studies with Koresh inside the residence. When other ATF agents interviewed Henry McMahon, the licensed gun dealer with whom Koresh did business, he called Koresh while ATF agents were present. Through McMahon, Koresh extended an invitation to the ATF agents to come to Mount Carmel and inspect his weapons; the agents brushed off the invitation and declined to speak with Koresh on the telephone (Henry McMahon testimony in Joint Hearings 1995:1:162-63).

ATF agents obtained warrants to search the Mount Carmel residence and arrest Koresh. Their allegation was that the Branch Davidians were converting legally purchased AR-15 semi-automatic rifles to M-16 automatic weapons without paying the fee and filling out the required paperwork to obtain license permits. Since the ATF agents had found no evidence that supported this claim, the affidavit composed to obtain approval of the warrants from a judge was filled with inflammatory language about cults and child abuse (Tabor and Gallagher 1995:100-03). Child abuse does not come under ATF jurisdiction. The ATF agents made plans to execute a “no knock” “dynamic entry” into the residence. In order to receive training from Army Special Forces at Fort Hood in Killeen, Texas, and support from National Guard helicopters and pilots, ATF agents falsely alleged that the Branch Davidians were operating a methamphetamine lab (House of Representatives 1996:30-55).

The ATF raid was carried out on the morning of February 28, 1993, even though Robert Rodriguez alerted the commanders that
Koresh had learned that a raid was imminent. ATF agents arrived in covered cattle trailers, and stormed the front door while another team of agents broke windows on the second floor, fired and threw flash-bang grenades inside, before entering (see footage in Gifford, Gazecki, and McNulty 1997). Armed ATF agents were also in National Guard helicopters.

A shootout ensued in which four ATF agents were killed and twenty agents were wounded, some severely; David Koresh received a severe wound to his side and another wound on his wrist; Perry Jones (64, American), Koresh’s father-in-law, received a mortal wound; four other Branch Davidians were killed and several wounded. About 5:00 p.m. that day Michael Schroeder (29, American), another Branch Davidian, and a friend attempted to walk back to Mount Carmel coming from behind the property. Schroeder was attempting to return to his wife, baby son, and three stepchildren at Mount Carmel. He was shot and killed by ATF agents stationed on the property behind Mount Carmel. His body was left where it fell for four days (FBI 1993a). Of the six Branch Davidians who died on February 28, four were American, one was British, and one was Australian. One, Jaydean Wendel (34, American), was the mother of four children.

FBI agents took charge of Mount Carmel on March 1. They brought in tanks on March 2 after Koresh backed out on an agreement to come out and be taken into custody. From February 28 to March 5 twenty-one children were sent out by their parents. From March 2 to March 23 adults came out at various times, sometimes singly, sometimes in groups (FBI 1993a). Whenever adults came out, the FBI tactical team known as the Hostage Rescue Team punished the remaining Branch Davidians in various ways: cutting off the electricity; crushing and removing their vehicles with tanks; blasting high-decibel sounds at them (FBI 1993a; Tabor 1994). The bright spotlights directed at the residence at night had the purpose of obscuring SOS signals that Branch Davidans first flashed on March 12 (FBI 1993a). The lights were also another means to disrupt the Branch Davidians’ sleep.

Koresh and Steve Schneider, who did most of the negotiating, said that the Branch Davidians would come out after the eight-day Passover holiday. Koresh had predicted to the Branch Davidians that they would either be attacked and martyred or “translated” into Heaven while living during Passover (Craddock 1993). When there was no attack that week, on April 14, the day after the conclusion of Passover, Koresh talked to his attorney by telephone and read a letter in which he formulated his exit plan. He would write a “little book” (see Rev. 10:1-11) giving his commentary on the Seven Seals of Revelation, and after the manuscript was given to Drs. James Tabor and J. Phillip Arnold, two Bible scholars who had communicated with the Branch Davidians via a radio discussion on April 1, he and the other Branch Davidians would come out. Koresh’s attorney conveyed the plan to FBI agents. Later that day, Koresh’s letter was sent out to the FBI along with Koresh’s signed contract to retain his attorney to represent him (FBI 1993a). On April 16 Koresh reported to a negotiator that he had completed writing his commentary on the First Seal, and the Branch Davidians began requesting wordprocessing supplies, which were delivered on April 18 (Wessinger 2000:77, 105; FBI 1993a).

On April 19, 1993, at 6:00 a.m. a tank and CS gas assault was carried out by FBI agents on the residence. The CS, suspended in methylene chloride, was inserted through nozzles on the tanks’ booms and delivered by ferret rounds that were fired into the building. CS gas burns the skin and the internal mucous membranes, which can cause acute bronchial pneumonia, vomiting and asphyxiation. CS (chlorobenzylidene malonitrile) converts into cyanide upon contact with water, which in the body causes pain, edema and leakage of fluid from the capillaries. CS also converts to cyanide when it burns. CS gas is intended for outdoor use to control crowds, and is not recommended for use in enclosed spaces (Hardy with Kimball 2001:264-66, 290; House of Representatives 1996:68-75).

Tanks drove through and demolished parts of the building. A tank drove through the front of the building toward the open door of a concrete vault located at the base of the central tower, where the young children and their mothers had taken shelter. The tank gassed that area from 11:31 to 11:55 a.m. (Hardy with Kimball 2001:275-76, 285). By 12:07 p.m. the first fire was visible in a second-floor window, and fire rapidly engulfed the building. Nine people escaped, suffering moderate to severe burns. Seventy-six Branch Davidians of all ages died.

Twenty-two children from babies to age 13 died in the vault. This number includes the two infants who were born during the CS gas assault and fire. Fourteen, including the trauma-born infants, were David Koresh’s biological children. Seven teenagers, age 14-19, died. Of the adults who died, 23 were Americans; one was Australian; 20 were British, most with Jamaican origins; one was Canadian, one was Israeli, and one was a New Zealander. One of the women who escaped the fire, Ruth Riddle (31, Canadian), had in her pocket a floppy disk on which Koresh’s interpretation of the First Seal of the book of Revelation had been saved (published in Tabor and Gallagher 1995: 191-203).

Prior to the assault, FBI agents had been told by Branch Davidian Janet Kendrick that based on Numbers 9:6-13 the Branch Davidians believed there would be a Second Passover. A man who had entered the building during the siege, Louis Alaniz, came out on April 17 and told FBI agents that the Branch Davidians considered the Second Passover to take place between April 14-21 ([FBI] 1993b). This would have been the period that Koresh was writing his “little book.”

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Many of the Branch Davidians, including David Koresh, had Seventh-day Adventist backgrounds. Therefore, like Seventh-day Adventists, Branch Davidians were ultimately concerned with understanding the Bible’s prophecies about believed imminent events of the Last Days and establishment of God’s Kingdom. Koresh taught that he and the Branch Davidians would play key roles in those events.

The Branch Davidians considered, and survivors still consider, themselves to be among the “wave sheaf,” the first of the “first fruits” to be harvested into God’s Kingdom. Their concept of “wave sheaf” is based on the biblical description of harvesting the tallest and ripest stalks of barley in the springtime and taking them to the sanctuary at Passover where “it was waved by a priest before the Lord” (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:83; see Lev. 23:10-14). According to survivor Clive Doyle, “the wave sheaf has been that group in every generation who were first to acknowledge God’s instructions and obey God, sometimes at the cost of their lives.” They “stepped out in faith ahead of everybody else…” (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:84).

When Christ (Jesus Christ) was resurrected, other people, members of the wave sheaf up to that time, were resurrected with him (see Matt. 27:52-53). According to Branch Davidian theology, these members of the wave sheaf were martyrs who were killed for their obedience to God; they were offered before the Father “as trophies of Christ’s victory over death and the grave” (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:84).

Koresh taught that the Christ Spirit had taken a number of incarnations prior to Christ (Jesus Christ). Koresh taught that he was the Christ to fulfill the events prophesied in the Bible relating to the Last Days. He and a number of his followers would be martyred in an assault by the United States government, represented by the “two-horned beast” or “lamblike beast” in the book of Revelation (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:92; see Rev. 13:11-18). Subsequently, Koresh would be resurrected with the remaining martyred wave sheaf, including the martyred members of the Branch Davidian community. Koresh as Christ would lead an army of 200 million (Rev. 9:16) martyrs of the ages (the entire wave sheaf) who would carry out God’s Judgment. Members of the wave sheaf living at that time would also become part of Christ’s army. “Millions of other people will be resurrected later, but this first group needs to be brought up so that in the Judgment you have somebody from every generation in order that people will be judged by their peers” (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:85).

The Twenty-Four Elders in Rev. 4:4, 10-11, Koresh’s children, were considered part of the wave sheaf. Koresh taught that his children were “born for Judgment.” He taught that the children had been on Earth before and had chosen to come back to play a role in the Judgment (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:87).

According to Branch Davidian theology, the members of the wave sheaf will attend the marriage of the Lamb (David Koresh as Christ) in heaven (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:88; see Rev. 19:7-9). Since 1978, when Lois Roden received a revelation that the Holy Spirit is female, Branch Davidians have believed there is a heavenly Father and Mother. Christ is the Son. In the Endtime events, the Son will have a perfect mate, an “extension of the Spirit” (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:88). After the marriage of the Lamb in heaven, the members of the wave sheaf will “sing a new song” (Rev. 5: 8-10, 14:2-3) to the 144,000 who stand on Mount Zion with the Lamb (Christ), thus delivering Christ’s message to them.

The Jewish feast of Shavu’ot or Pentecost (Lev. 23:15-21) in the early summer was the time of the wheat harvest. A symbolic amount of wheat was baked into two loaves that were waved before the Lord. In Branch Davidian theology, the two wave loaves represent the 120 disciples of (Jesus) Christ, and the 144,000 of the Last Days. They are the first fruits in the harvest of souls (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:89). Their gathering marks the beginning of God’s Kingdom of Earth.

The “great multitude” (Rev. 7:9-17), symbolized by the summer fruits (fruits and vegetables), will be gathered into the Kingdom by the 144,000. People from all cultures, even all religions, will be invited to join the Kingdom in the Holy Land. They will be invited to come to the Feast of Tabernacles, Sukkot, in the fall. These summer fruits are harvested from people living on Earth at that time. The resurrection of the blessed, the dead who will be added to the Kingdom, happens later in the Branch Davidian scenario (Doyle with Wessinger and Wittmer 2012:90).

Kenneth G. C. Newport (2006, 2009) has explicated how Victor Houteff, the Davidian prophet, had articulated that at some point the Davidians would have to undergo a baptism of fire (see Matt. 3:11). This theme was continued by Ben Roden, and especially by Lois Roden. She taught that those living at “ Jerusalem” ( Mount Carmel), would undergo a baptism of fire “by full immersion,” not merely a “sprinkling,” as a “gateway” into the Kingdom (Roden 1978). David Koresh and his lieutenant Steve Schneider (1990) also taught that the Branch Davidians would have to undergo a purifying baptism of fire. This idea is implicit in the name of the Branch Davidians’ property, which had originally been owned and named Mount Carmel by Davidians. Mount Carmel in the Holy Land is where the prophet Elijah prayed to God to light a fire to consume Elijah’s sacrifice in a contest with the prophets of Baal, who were defeated when fire from heaven consumed the offering (1 Kings 18:19-39).

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Ben Roden had instituted the observance of “the Daily” as a period of prayer and Bible study in the morning and afternoon at the
times priests in the Jerusalem temple were believed to place a sacrificed lamb on an altar to burn to atone for the priest’s mistakes or sins. Lois Roden had added to the Daily observance the consumption of grape juice and an unleavened cracker, the Emblems representing Christ’s blood and body given for humanity (Interview with Clive Doyle, July 3, 2004; Martin 2009:22-23; Haldeman 2007:34, 88). This practice was discontinued after April 19, 1993.

The Branch Davidians inherited from Seventh-day Adventists and the Davidians the ritual of the “Bible study,” in which the Bible’s passages are explicated in light of each other to unveil God’s plan for the Last Days. Bible studies were the primary tool of proselytization, conversion, and preparation of the wave sheaf members for the upcoming events. Koresh gave lengthy Bible studies, as did Steve Schneider, and Marc Breault before he left the community. Any Branch Davidian who was well versed in the scriptures could give a Bible study.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

David Koresh’s “charisma,” defined here as belief on the part of his followers that he had access to an unseen source of authority (Wessinger 2012:80-82), was based on his ability to “open” or reveal the meaning of the Seven Seals of the book of Revelation in light of other biblical passages in the Old and New Testaments. During the siege, Steve Schneider told an FBI negotiator that the Branch Davidians tested everything that Koresh taught against the Bible. The King James Version of the Bible was the ultimate source of authority for the Branch Davidians. The Book itself had charisma since it was God’s Word.

On March 15, Schneider asked that Dr. Phillip Arnold, whom the Branch Davidians had heard on the radio, be permitted to discuss the Bible’s prophecies with Koresh. Schneider said that if Arnold could provide a persuasive alternative intepretation of the Bible’s prophecies, the Branch Davidians would come out regardless of what Koresh said (Wessinger 2000:73-74; Wessinger 2009:34-35; Negotiation tape no. 129, March 15, 1993). The FBI did not permit Arnold to communicate directly with the Branch Davidians. In the last days of the siege, conversations picked up on surveillance devices reveal that the Hostage Rescue Team’s tactical actions reinforced the Branch Davidians’ perception that the time had come for many of them to die in obedience to God’s Endtime plan (Wessinger 2009).

The Branch Davidians included members of families who had lived at Mount Carmel since the Ben and Lois Roden days as well as members converted by David Koresh. The members’ commitment to Koresh was reinforced by his sexual relations with the girls and women, a number of whom had given birth to his children or were pregnant by him, and the men’s celibacy. Branch Davidians worked in various capacities at Mount Carmel and away from the property to support the community.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

The longer profile on this website discusses issues and challenges related to David Koresh’s Branch Davidians in greater detail. There are numerous points of controversy and debate. A few of them are:

  • The unconventional sexual arrangements within the community, and Koresh’s sexual relations with underage girls.
  • Whether or not Branch Davidians were converting AR-15 semi-automatic rifles to M-16 automatic weapons without paying the tax and filling out paperwork required for a license.
  • Whether or not the ATF raid was necessary.
  • Whether ATF agents knowingly lied about an alleged methamphetamine lab at Mount Carmel in order to obtain Army Special Forces training and National Guard support.
  • Whether or not ATF agents fired blindly into the building, something that is illegal for American law enforcement agents to do.
  • Whether ATF agents or Branch Davidians shot first, and which side did most of the shooting.
  • The lack of investigation of the shooting of Michael Schroeder by ATF agents.
  • Whether or not actions by the FBI’s Hostage Rescue Team had the goal of sabotaging negotiations to discourage Branch Davidians from coming out.
  • Whether there was a breakthrough in negotiations on April 14 when Koresh presented his exit plan, or if this was another delaying tactic as alleged by FBI agents.
  • Whether David Koresh’s apocalyptic theology made a fire inevitable once the siege began (Newport 2006, 2009), or whether Koresh and the Branch Davidians were reading the events to see if they did or did not fit into the predicted apocalyptic scenario and were adjusting their biblical interpretations accordingly (Gallagher 2000; Tabor and Gallagher 1995; Wessinger 2000, 2009).
  • The extent to which FBI decision-makers knew about and understood the implications of Koresh’s apocalyptic theology of martyrdom as they formulated and directed tactical actions against the Branch Davidians (see Wessinger 2009; FBI 1993a; longer profile on this page.
  • Whether or not Attorney General Janet Reno was misled into approving a plan for the assault on April 19 by being presented with incorrect information about the state of the negotiations and the effects of CS gas on children, pregnant women, and the elderly (see [FBI] 1993c).
  • Whether the actions of FBI’s Hostage Rescue Team contributed to the fire and deaths of seventy-six Branch Davidians on April 19, 1993, or whether responsibility for the fire rests solely on David Koresh and the Branch Davidians.
  • The problem of multiple types of evidence that went missing, were destroyed, and were withheld due to actions of ATF and FBI agents.
  • Whether or not the Branch Davidians charged and tried in the criminal trial in 1994 were treated fairly by the judge and given fair sentences (see Richardson 2001).
  • Whether or not FLIR (infrared thermal imaging) tapes recorded by a Nightstalker aircraft flying over the building on April 19, 1993, recorded automatic gunfire directed toward the back of the building, as was alleged by several American FLIR experts, but denied by British experts hired by the government (see Gifford, Gazecki, and McNulty 1997; Danforth Report 2000; Hardy with Kimball 2001; McNulty 2001).
  • Whether or not the Danforth Report (2000) produced by Special Counsel John C. Danforth, which exonerates federal agents of responsibility in the deaths, is the final word on the case (see Rosenfeld 2001; and Newport 2006).


REFERENCES

Breault, Marc, and Martin King. 1993. Inside the Cult: A Chilling, Exclusive Account of Madness and Depravity in David Koresh’s Compound. New York: Signet.

Craddock, Graeme. 1993. Testimony of Graeme Craddock. United States District Court, Western District of Texas, Waco Division, Federal Grand Jury Proceedings. April 20.

Danforth, John C., Special Counsel. 2000. “Final Report to the Deputy Attorney General Concerning the 1993 Confrontation at the Mt. Carmel Complex.” November 8.

Doyle, Clive, with Catherine Wessinger and Matthew D. Wittmer. 2012. A Journey to Waco: Autobiography of a Branch Davidian. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield.

Federal Bureau of Investigation. 1993a. WACMUR Major Event Log, February-July 1993. Available in the Lee Hancock Collection, Southwestern Writers Collection, Texas State University-San Marcos.

Federal Bureau of Investigation. 1993b. “Passover Analysis Addendum.” April 18. Available in Lee Hancock Collection, Southwestern Writers Collection, Texas State University-San Marcos.

Federal Bureau of Investigation . 1993c. Reno Briefing File. Available in Lee Hancock Collection, Southwestern Writers Collection, Texas State University-San Marcos.

Gallagher, Eugene V. 2000. “‘Theology Is Life and Death’: David Koresh on Violence, Persecution, and the Millennium.” Pp. 82-100 in Millennialism, Persecution, and Violence: Historical Cases, edited by Catherine Wessinger. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.

Gifford, Dan, William Gazecki, and Michael McNulty, producers. 1997. Waco: The Rules of Engagement. Los Angeles: Fifth Estate Productions.

Haldeman, Bonnie. 2007. Memories of the Branch Davidians: The Autobiography of David Koresh’s Mother, ed. Catherine Wessinger. Waco: Baylor University Press.

Hardy, David T., with Rex Kimball. 2001. This Is Not an Assault: Penetrating the Web of Official Lies Regarding the Waco Incident. N.p.: Xlibris.

House of Representatives. 1996. Investigation into the Activities of Federal Law Enforcement Agencies toward the Branch Davidians. Report 104-749. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Joint Hearings. 1996. Activities of Federal Law Enforcement Agencies toward the Branch Davidians (Parts 1-3). Committee on the Judiciary Serial No. 72. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Martin, Sheila. 2009. When They Were Mine: Memoirs of a Branch Davidian Wife and Mother, ed. Catherine Wessinger. Waco: Baylor University Press.

Michael McNulty, producer. 2001. The F.L.I.R. Project. Fort Collins, Colo.: COPS Productions.

Newport , Kenneth G. C. 2009. “‘A Baptism by Fire’: The Branch Davidians and Apocalyptic Self-Destruction.” Nova Religio 13:61-94.

Newport, Kenneth G. C. 2006. The Branch Davidians of Waco: The History and Beliefs of an Apocalyptic Sect. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Pitts, William L., Jr. 2009. “Women Leaders in the Davidian and Branch Davidian Traditions.” Nova Religio 12:50-71.

Richardson, James T. 2001. “‘Showtime’ in Texas: Social Production of the Branch Davidian Trials.” Nova Religio 5:152-70.

Roden, Lois. 1978. “Baptism by Fire,” audiotape. March 21. Available in the Texas Collection, Baylor University.

Rosenfeld, Jean E. 2001. “The Use of the Military at Waco: The Danforth Report in Context.” Nova Religio 5:171-85.

Schneider, Steve. 1990. Audiotaped Bible studies given in Manchester, England. Available in the Texas Collection, Baylor University.

Tabor, James D., and Eugene V. Gallagher. 1995. Why Waco? Cults and the Battle for Religious Freedom in America. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Tabor, James D. 2005. “David Koresh.” Encyclopedia of Religion, edited by Lindsay Jones, 8: 5237-39. 2d ed. Farmington Hills, MI.: Thompson Gale.

Tabor, James. 1994. “Events at Mount Carmel: An Interpretive Log.” February. Accessed from http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/gopher/text/religion/koresh/Koresh%20Log on 20 April 2013.

Thibodeau, David, and Leon Whiteson. 1999. A Place Called Waco: A Survivor’s Story. New York: Public Affairs.

Wessinger, Catherine. 2012. “Charismatic Leaders in New Religions.” Pp. 80-96 in The Cambridge Companion to New Religious Movements, edited by Olav Hammer and Mikael Rothstein. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Wessinger, Catherine. 2009. “Deaths in the Fire at the Branch Davidians’ Mount Carmel: Who Bears Responsibility?” Nova Religio 13:25-60.

Wessinger, Catherine. 2000. “1993 ¾ Branch Davidians.” In How the Millennium Comes Violently: From Jonestown to Heaven’s Gate. New York: Seven Bridges Press. Accessed from http://www.loyno.edu/~wessing on 20 April 2013.

Post Date:
10 October 2016

 

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Integral Yoga International

Integral Yoga International (IYI)


INTEGRAL YOGA INTERNATIONAL TIMELINE

1914 Sri Swami Satchidananda was born in Tamil Nadu, South India.

1947-1964 Satchidananda met and studied under Sri Swami Sivanandaji for 17 years.

1966 Satchidananda traveled to New York City.

1966 (October) The first Integral Yoga Institution was established in New York City.

1969 Satchinananda addressed the crowd at the Woodstock Music Festival.

1972 Yogaville-West was established in Seigler Springs, California.

1973 Yogaville-East was established in Pomfret Center, Connecticut and became IYI headquarters.

1976 Satchidananda became a U.S. citizen.

1979 (September) IYI was gifted 600 acres in Buckingham County, Virginia which became Satchidananda Ashram-Yogaville (SAYVA).

1979-1986 Light of Truth Universal Shrine (LOTUS) was constructed in Buckingham, Virginia at SAYVA.

1986 (July) A dedication ceremony was held for LOTUS, and SAYVA became the IYI headquarters.

2002 Satchidananda died in his home region of Tamil Nadu, South India.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Sri Swami Satchidananda was born as R amaswamy Grounder in Tamil Nadu, South India on December 22, 1914. He was one of two sons born to Kalyanasundaram Gounder and his wife, Srimati Velammai, a prosperous Hindu couple (Perringer n.d.). His early
adult life was quite secular in nature. He graduated from an agricultural school and worked in the automotive industry before becoming a manager in the National Electric Works. In the hagiographic account of his life, however, Swami Satchidananda is described as having been intensely spiritual from childhood: “Even as a young child, he spoke truths and displayed insights far beyond his years. His devotion to God was strong, and he looked at people of all castes and faiths with an equal eye, always recognizing the same light within every being” (Perringer n.d.) While working as the manager of a Hindu temple, Grounder met and married his wife, and the couple gave birth to two children. However, five years later his wife died suddenly. Following his wife’s death, Grounder renounced the world and began his spiritual career at age twenty eight.

In order to become disciplined in yoga, Grounder secluded himself for several years before traveling around India to study under various gurus. During this time he met and briefly studied under Sri Aurobindo, who went on to found one of the other major groups that practices Integral Yoga. After studying under several spiritual figures, including Sri Aurobindo and Sri Ramakrishna, and Ramana Maharshi. Grounder met Sri Swami Sivananda in the foothills of the Himalayas in 1947; the Swami initiated him into the Holy Order of Sannyas and gave him his spiritual name, Swami Satchidananda (divine bliss). Satchidanada studied with Sivananda for seventeen years. Due to his mastery of all branches of yoga, Satchidananda was given the title “Yogiraj,” master of yoga. Sivanandaji sent Satchidananda to Ceylon (present day Sri Lanka) to spread Sivanandaji’s teachings. He lectured across India and established yoga centers in Sri Lanka, Hong Kong, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines (Meadows and Hadden 2002:646).

Satchidananda met filmmaker Conrad Rooks and artist Peter Max in India while the two were filming the now cult classic film Chappaqu in 1965. Satchidananda made a cameo appearance in the film, and Rooks and Max invited Satchidananda to New York City the following year. Although initially planned as a two day visit, Satchidananda attracted hundreds of followers resulting in an extended stay in New York City.

The first Integral Yoga Institute was founded in New York City on October 7, 1996. Six years later in 1972, Yogaville-West was established in Seigler Springs, California to provide a community for those who practiced Integral Yoga. Following closely behind Yogaville-West, Yogaville-East was founded in 1973 in Pomfret Center, Connecticut. Yogaville-East served as IYI headquarters for ten years.

In 1978 vocalist Carole King (Karuna King) gave Satchidanada a large tract of land in Connecticut. Satchidanada sold the land the

following year to purchase a 650 acre tract in Buckingham County, Virginia to IYI. It was in Buckingham County that construction began on the Light of Truth Universal Shrine (LOTUS) at the new Satchidananda Ashram-Yogaville (SAYVA). LOTUS is described as a temple for all world religions where one can find the Spirit that unites everything. LOTUS held a dedication ceremony on July 20, 1986, after which SAYVA became the new headquarters for IYI.

Satchidananda continued to travel the world giving lectures to promote religious harmony. He left his body (Mahasamadhi) on August 19, 2002 as a result of an aneurysm while visiting his home region of Tamil Nadu, South India.

BELIEFS/DOCTRINES

Yoga is conventionally divided into six paths or traditions, with over fifteen million practitioners in the United States, but numerous other schools have developed out of these six traditions (Cook 1999-2000). Hatha Yoga, which first opened a center in San Francisco in 1955, is the most popular branch of Yoga, using physical postures (Asanas), regulated breathing (Pranayama) and meditation (Dharana). Karma Yoga emphasizes selflessness and service to eliminate attachment to the material results of the practitioner’s actions. Bhakti Yoga uses repetitive sounds or words (mantras) in order to surrender the self, identify with a higher self and experience the divine in all of creation. Raja Yoga uses deep meditation to create stillness and focused control over the mind that allows the emergence of the practitioner’s higher self. Jnama Yoga emphasizes the development of the intellect and study of yogic scriptures combined with deep meditation that promotes an unfolding of the “surface mind” and understanding of the Ultimate.

Kim (2006) describes Integral Yoga as rooted in Hatha Yoga, but Integral Yoga presents itself as a synthesis of the hatha, karma, bhaki, raja, and jnana traditions (Meadows and Hadden 2002:646). Satchidananda understands Integral Yoga as a scientific method for integrating both the various branches of Yoga and the mental, physical and spiritual aspects of the individual. Integral Yoga is therefore more than religion. In Satchidananda’s view, “Integral Yoga is the basis of all religions, not a religion itself” (Ma 1980:24). Put another way, “Yoga is not a religion, but embodies the essence of ethical perfection that is the foundation of all religions” (Ma 1980:23). Satchidananda acknowledges that “We do teach religion, but not as it is usually taught. That is, we teach the basic principles which are common to every religion” (Ma 1980 24). He is often quoted as stating that “Truth Is One, Paths Are Many.”

However Integral Yoga is categorized, Satchidanada teaches that most individuals operate only with their “surface minds” and therefore never realize their full spiritual potential. The objective of Integral Yoga is to facilitate individuals’ quest for self knowledge (Sadhana). What impedes individual progress toward Sadhana is imperfect or selfish actions. Practitioners are taught to understand that they are completely responsible for their actions and to engage in selfless service. As Satchidananda has put it, “Wherever you are, whatever you are doing, do it for the benefit of others (Ma 1980:19). When practitioners complete the quest for self knowledge, they recognize that all living things are connected in One Spirit. Because One Spirit is broadly conceived, Integral Yoga can be practiced within a multitude of religious and spiritual frameworks based on the belief that the One Spirit unites all faiths. The belief that all living beings are part of One Spirit led Satchidanada to disavow inequality. As he has put it, “No person is an untouchable. Differences come, not with the work one does nor the caste into which one is born, but with the state of mind. Essentially we are all one and the same. All are God’s children.” (Perringer n.d.)

The term integral yoga can legitimately be applied to any spiritual path based upon the synthesis of multiple yoga traditions. There are two main schools of thought and practice of integral yoga, one established under Sri Aurobindo and the other established under Sri Satchidananda. Followers of Satchidananda have trademarked the name Integral Yoga in the United States.

RITUAL/PRACTICES

The degree of involvement in Integral Yoga varies among practitioners. Some individuals choose to only take weekly classes at the closest center, institute, or ashram while others choose to live within the Yogaville communities. The headquarters for Integral Yoga, SAYVA , offers courses, retreats, special seminars, and internships. A typical retreat package offers various choices of accommodations within onsite dormitories, private rooms, or camping. Also included are three buffet style vegetarian meals as practitioners of Integral Yoga practice non-violence toward all beings. Additionally, daily yoga, meditation, and scripture classes are offered. At SAYVA, weekly spiritual meetings (satsangs) are held every Saturday evening. Satsang includes chanting (Kirtan), a DVD featuring Satchidananda, a spiritual presentation by a guest lecturer or senior member, and prayers for world peace. Every year SAYVA offers silent retreats; a ten day retreat in June, a five day retreat during New Year’s, and four-day retreats in both Spring and Fall.

Consistent with its integrative perspective, Integral Yoga practitioners celebrate a variety of Christian, Jewish and Hindu holidays: Christian (Easter, Thanksgiving, Christmas ), Jewish (Rosh Hoshana, Yom Kippur, Hanukkah) Hindu (the Navarati celebration of the Divine Mother, the Mahasivaratri celebration in honor of Lord Shiva, and the Deepavali celebration of the Festival of Lights). Some mainstream culture holidays, such as Mother’s Day, Father’s Day, and New Year’s are celebrated. Integral Yoga practitioners have created their own holy days that honor Satchidananda ( Guru Poornima – a n annual sacred occasion honoring Satchidananda and marking the anniversary of the LOTUS dedication ceremony) and Mahasamadhi (commemorating Satchidananda’s exit from his physical body).


ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

When Satchidanada arrived in the United States in 1966 he was drawn to youthful members of the counterculture (Kempton 1967). He argued that established institutions had failed American youth: “Where do you go if your institutions don’t offer you anything?…To a tepee in Vermont, that’s where….They are all searching for the necklace that’s around their necks” (Katz 1992:377). His popular fame increased after he addressed the audience at the Woodstock Music Festival in 1969, teaching them to chant “Hari Om.” His message to the assembled was to find peace within: “I still don’t understand how they are going to fight and then find peace. Therefore, let us not fight for peace, but let us find peace within ourselves first” (Satchidanda 1969). He touted Integral Yoga as a means to abandon drug use, stating that “The problem with drugs is that while they elevate you, they immediately drop you back down again” while Integral Yoga offered a “natural high (Katz 1992:377). Satchidanada subsequently attracted many wealthy and prestigious followers.

Satchidananda was regarded by his followers as “God realized” and as a person who retained human form only as a way of supporting the spiritual development of others. He initiated many sannyasi in the West and gave new yoga names and individual mantras to his many initiates. He became a celebrity, appearing on talk shows and consulting with corporations, conducting interfaith dialogues, speaking on college campuses, and lecturing on nutrition and holistic health. Satchindanada has received numerous awards for his work, including the U Thant Peace Award from the United Nations Meditation Group, the Martin Buber Award for Outstanding Service to Humanity, the Judith Hollister Interfaith Award, the B’nai Brith Anti-Defamation Leage Humanitarian Award, and the Albert Schweitzer Humanitiarian Award. The fiftieth anniversary of his ministerial ordination was commemorated in 1999 during an interfaith service prior to the commencement of the 54th General Assembly of the United Nations. Numerous famous personages from Bill Clinton to Dean Ornish to Richard Gere to Allen Ginsberg praised his work.

Integral Yoga has established three yogavilles in the United States, Yogaville-East, Yogaville-West, and Satchidananda Ashram-Yogaville (SAYA), the headquarters of IYI . Integral Yoga also has four Integral Yoga Institutes within the United States, with one in Canada and one in India. Institutes offer coursework for those interested in becoming certified Integral Yoga teachers. Additionally, Institutes offer classes to the larger surrounding communities and Integral Yoga practitioners. Integral Yoga maintains 37 centers in 28 different countries. These centers are similar to Institutes but are smaller, localized, and do not offer courses for teacher certification. Integral Yoga does not maintain a formal membership list, but only a few hundred people are certified to teach Integral Yoga.

Like many Ashrams, Yogavilles are normally located in rural areas. They serve as monastic-like communities of Integral Yoga yogis and teachers. At any given time the population of a Yogaville will consist of guests, associate members and full-time members. At the Yogaville ashram the renunciate swamis are provided food and housing while householders are expected to provide basic necessities for themselves. Practitioners come for retreats.

The Satchidananda Ashram-Yogaville welcomes about 2,000 visitors every year, while another 150 individuals consider the community their home. Some of the workshops offered at SAYA are classes that teach the concepts of each branch of yoga of which Integral Yoga is composed. These include Hatha Yoga, which focuses on postures, breathing pattern, and diet; Raja Yoga, which revolves around controlling the mind through meditation; Bhakti Yoga, which is practiced through constant love of and devotion to God; Karma Yoga, which is the path of selfless service; Jnana Yoga, which concentrates on the existence of everything that is natural and/or unchangeable; and Japa yoga, in which the focus is on chanting. Other workshops and classes include yoga for athletes, stress management yoga, prenatal and labor yoga, laughing yoga, inner tantric yoga, as well as yoga for those with scoliosis. For those at SAYA the diet is vegetarian, celibacy is required for singles and monastics, and alcohol, drugs and tobacco are prohibited.

SAYA is also home to the Light of Truth Universal Shrine (LOTUS), which opened in 1986. The shrine houses alters dedicated to ten

major religions, as well as two additional alters, one dedicated to other known religions and the other dedicated to those still unknown. The outside of the shrine contains fountains and gardens, many with spiritual symbolism. The interior of the shrine consists of two floors; the bottom floor houses cases that display artifacts of the religions represented in the alters, which are located on the top floor of the shrine.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Integral Yoga was caught up to a very limited extent in the mental manipulation and divided family controversies that affected many religious movements beginning in the 1970s. It has been the claims of sexual manipulation and abuse levied against Satchidananda that have received the greatest public visibility and most significantly affected the movement. During the early 1990s several female members who had served on Satchidanada’s staff charged him with sexual improprieties of various kinds (McGehee 1991). Following the initial allegations, several additional women made similar charges. Satchidananda has consistently denied the charges but refused interviews with journalists or responses to those making the allegations. With respect to his accusers, he has stated that “They are free to feel this way….If they don’t feel comfortable with me, they can go learn from someone else.” With respect to his unwillingness to provide a public response to the accusations, he has stated that “There is no need. If the public wants to believe that, they can believe it” (Chopra 1999). Many followers have vigorously defended Satchidananda and dismissed the charges as fabricated, but opponents claim that the movement lost numerous practitioners, teachers, and center affiliations in the wake of the controversy (Zuckerman 1991). Satchidananda’s m ahasamadhi in 2002 ended the personal confrontation but does not appear to have impacted his overall influence.

REFERENCES

Chopra, Sonia. 1999. Satchidananda’s Yoga Ashram Caught Up In A New Controversy, Past Sexual Charges Begin Resurfing.” Rediff On The Net. 14 June. Accessed at http://www.rediff.com/news/1999/jun/14us on 28 October 2011.

Cook, Jennifer. 1999-2000. “Not All Yoga Is Created Equal.” Yoga Journal. Winter 1999-2000. Accessed at http://www.yogajournal.com/basics/165 on 23 October 2011.

Kempton, Sally. 1967. “What’s New in America?” Village Voice. 9 November, p. 1.

Ma, Swami Saravananda. 1980. “The Integral Yoga School in Historical Perspective.” Ph.D. dissertation. Storrs: University of Connecticut.

Meadows, Sarah and Jeffrey K. Hadden. 2002. “Integral Yoga International.” Pp. 646-47 in Religions of the World, Volume 2, edited by J. Gordon Melton and Martin. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO.

McGehee, Overton. 1991. “Ex-followers Say Swami Demanded Sexual Favors.” Richmond Times-Dispatch, Aug 2, p. B-1.

Pettinger, Richard. n.d. “ Biography Swami Satchidananda.” Biography Online. Accessed at http://www.biographyonline.net/spiritual/satchidananda/index.html on 25 October 2011.

Satchinanada, Sri S. 1969. “ Woodstock.” Accessed at http://www.swamisatchidananda.org/docs2/woodstock.htm on 15 November 2011,

Zuckerman, Joy. 1991. “An Open Letter.” Accessed at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sri_Chinmoy_Information/message/2448 on 28 October 2011.

SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION SOURCES

Bordow, Sita. 1984. The Master’s Touch. Yogaville, VA: Integral Yoga Publications.

Bordow, Sita. 1986. Sri Swami Satchidananda: Apostle of Peace. Yogaville, VA: Integral Yoga Publications.

Mandelkorn, Philip, Ed. 1978. To Know Yourself: The Essential Teachings of Swami Satchidananda. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books.

Satchidananda, Sri. 1978. [translation and commentary]The Yoga Sutras of Patanjali. Yogaville, VA: Integral Yoga Publications.

Weinca, Sita. 1972. Swami Satchidananda. NY: Bantam Books.

Publication Date:
22 November 2011

 

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Tenrikyō

TENRIKYŌ TIMELINE

1798 (18th day of 4th month, lunar calendar):  Miki was born into the Maegawa family in Sanmaiden Village, Yamabe County, Yamato Province (present-day Nara Prefecture).

1810:  Miki married Nakayama Zenbei of Shoyashiki Village.

1816:  Miki attended a training course known as the fivefold transmission (gojū sōden) at the Zenpuku Temple of Jōdo Shin Buddhism.

1837:  Miki’s son, Shūji, began to suffer from pains in his legs. Nakano Ichibei, a mountain ascetic (shugenja), performed prayer rituals (kitō) over the next twelve months.

1838 (23rd day of 10th month):  An incantation (yosekaji) was performed for Shūji with Miki as the medium. During the incantation, Miki went into trance and had a revelation from Tenri-Ō-no-Mikoto.

1838: (26th day of 10th month):  Miki was settled as the Shrine of Tsukihi (tsukihi no yashiro), marking the founding of the religious teaching. She remained in seclusion for the next three years.

1853:  Zenbei passed away at the age of sixty-six. Kokan, Miki’s youngest daughter, went to Naniwa (present-day Osaka) to spread the name of Tenri-Ō-no-Mikoto.

1854:  Miki’s daughter’s childbirth marked the beginning of the “Grant of Safe Childbirth” (obiya yurushi).

1864:  Iburi Izō of Ichinomoto Village came to see Miki for the first time.

1864:  The construction of the Place for the Service (tsutome basho) began.

1865:  Miki went to Harigabessho Village to confront Sukezō, who claimed the religious authority in place of Miki.

1866:  Miki began to teach the songs and hand movements for the service (tsutome).

1867:  Shūji gained official permission to conduct religious activities from the Yoshida Administrative Office of Shinto (Yoshida jingi kanryō).

1869:  Miki began writing the Ofudesaki (The Tip of the Writing Brush).

1874:  Miki began to bestow the truth of the Sazuke (sazuke no ri) for physical healing.

1875:  The identification of the Jiba (jiba sadame) took place.

1876:  Shūji obtained a license to run a steam bath and an inn as a way to allow worshippers to gather.

1880:  Tenrin-Ō-Kōsha was formally inaugurated under the auspices of the Jifuku Temple.

1881:  Shūji passed away at the age of sixty-one.

1882:  The steam bath and the inn were closed down. Tenrin-Ō-Kōsha was officially dismissed by the Jifuku Temple.

1882:  Miki completed the writing of the Ofudesaki.

1885:  The movement to establish the church (kyōkai setsuritsu undō) began to be conducted with Shinnosuke as the leader.

1887 (26th of 1st month by the lunar calendar):  Miki “withdrew from physical life” (utsushimi wo kakushita) at the age of ninety.

1887:  Iburi Izō became the Honseki and began to deliver divine directions (osashizu) as well as bestow the Sazuke on behalf of Miki.

1888:  Shintō Tenri Kyōkai was established in Tokyo under the direct supervision of the Shinto Main Bureau. The location was subsequently moved back to present-day Tenri.

1888:  The Mikagura-uta (The Songs for the Service) was officially published by Tenri Kyōkai.

1896:  The tenth anniversary of the foundress was observed.

1896:  The Home Ministry issued its Directive No. 12 to enforce strict control on Tenri Kyōkai.

1899:  The movement for sectarian independence (ippa dokuritsu undō) began.

1903:  Tenrikyō kyōten (The Doctrine of Tenrikyō), also known as Meiji kyōten, was published.

1907:  Iburi Izō passed away, marking the official end of the era of the divine directions.

1908:  Tenri Seminary (Tenri kyōkō) and Tenri Junior High School were founded respectively.

1908:  Tenrikyō gained sectarian independence from the Shinto Main Bureau.

1908:  Nakayama Shinnosuke, the first Shinbashira, became the superintendent (kanchō) of Tenrikyō.

1910:  Tenrikyo Women’s Association (Tenrikyō fujinkai) was founded.

1914:  Nakayama Shinnosuke, the first Shinbashira, passed away at the age of forty-eight.

1915:  Nakayama Shōzen became the superintendent of Tenrikyō at the age of nine. (Yamazawa Tamezō served as the acting superintendent until Shōzen came of age in 1925.)

1918:  Tenrikyo Young Men’s Association (Tenrikyō seinenkai) was founded.

1925:  Tenri School of Foreign Languages (Tenri gaikokugo gakkō) was established along with what would later become Tenri Central Library (Tenri toshokan). Also, Tenrikyō Printing Office (Tenrikyō kyōchō insatsusho) and the Department of Doctrine and Historical Materials (Kyōgi oyobi shiryō shūseibu) were established.

1928:  The Ofudesaki was officially published.

1938:  Nakayama Shōzen announced the adjustment (kakushin) to comply with the state authority’s demand.

1945 (August 15):  Nakayama Shōzen announced the restoration (fukugen) of the teaching.

1946:  The Mikagura-uta was published and offered to local churches.

1948:  The Ofudesaki, accompanied with commentaries, as well as the first volume of the Osashizu (The Divine Directions) were published and offered to local churches.

1949:  Tenri School of Foreign Languages was reorganized as Tenri University.

1949:  Tenrikyō kyōten (The Doctrine of Tenrikyō) was officially published.

1953:  Nakayama Shōzen announced the construction of Oyasato-yakata Building-complex (Oyasato yakata).

1954:  Tenri City was instated.

1966:  Tenrikyo Children’s Association (Tenrikyō shōnenkai) was established.

1967:  Nakayama Shōzen, the second Shinbashira, passed away at the age of sixty-two. Nakayama Zenye became the third Shinbashira.

1970:  Tenrikyō left the Sect Shinto Union (Kyōha Shintō rengōkai).

1986:  The centennial anniversary of the foundress was observed.

1998:  Nakayama Zenji became the fourth Shinbashira

1998:  Tenrikyō held the “Tenrikyo-Christian Dialogue” between Tenri University and the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome.

2002:  Tenrikyō held the “Tenrikyo-Christian Dialogue II” between Tenri University and the Pontifical Gregorian University in Tenri.

2013:  Nakayama Daisuke became the designate successor to the position of the Shinbashira.

2014:  Nakayama Zenye, the third Shinbashira, passed away at the age of eighty-two.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

On the 18th day of the 4th month in 1798, Miki was born as a daughter of Maegawa Hanshichi in Sanmaiden Village, Yamabe County, Yamato Province (present-day Nara Prefecture). She was known to be diligent in household work and was a devout adherent of Jōdo Shin Buddhism since her childhood. In 1810, she married Nakayama Zenbei of a nearby village at the age of thirteen and was entrusted with all the household work of Nakayama family in 1813. She gave birth to her first child, Shūji, in 1821 and then to five daughters two of whom died early (Tenrikyo Doyusha Publishing Company [TDPC] 2014:1-27).

In 1837, Shūji was afflicted with pain in his legs, and Nakayama family had Nakano Ichibei, a shugenja (ritual practitioner associated with a mountain religious sect), perform prayer rituals (kitō) for him over the next twelve months. On the 23rd day of the 10th month, an incantation (yosekaji) was performed for Shūji with Miki acting as spirit medium, during which God descended into Miki’s body and claimed to take Miki as the “Shrine of God” (kami no yashiro). After three days of fierce negotiation between God and the members of Nakayama family, Miki was acknowledged as the Shrine of God on the 26th day of the 10th month upon the consent by her husband, thus marking the founding of the teaching (TDPC 2014:28-39). In the current doctrinal view of Tenrikyō, Miki’s life for the next fifty years is referred to as the Divine Model (hinagata), and it is believed that her mind was completely in accordance with God’s will. In contrast, Shimazono (1998) has emphasized that Miki’s religious thought developed through a gradual process of self-inquiry rather than as a result of sudden revelation.

For the next three years or so, Miki secluded herself in a storehouse and later began giving away her belongings and her family’s possessions to the extent of eventually dismantling the house building. Miki’s unusual actions caused distrust from her relatives and villagers and led the family into poverty. In 1854, she began what is now known as the Grant of Safe Childbirth (obiya yurushi), which was intended to assure safe childbirth without observing traditional customs and taboos relating to women’s defilement (kegare) (TDPC 2014:40-70). In addition to the significance of breaking gender-related taboos, Miki may have used this practice to allow those around her to understand the idea that divine providence is most evident in the body of a woman in pregnancy, which embodies the fundamentally passive nature of human body (Watanabe 2015:27). Along with crossing the boundaries of conventional customs, Miki is said to have interacted with people seeking healings including those of outcaste areas (buraku). The breaching of these taboos increased her alienation from others in her village (Ikeda 2006:82-124). Also, doctors and mountain ascetics reportedly confronted Miki, with violence at times, as she gained adherents from those religious communities (TDPC 2014:90-96). This was also related to the fact that Miki’s presence as a female religious leader challenged the male-oriented religious authority of mountain ascetics (Hardacre 1994). As a way to avoid these confrontations, Miki’s followers (despite her reluctance) sought to gain official authorization from the Yoshida Administrative Office of Shintō (Yoshida jingi kanryō) in Kyoto so that they could hold gatherings at their private residence. This official authorization was granted in 1867 but was later voided when the Shintō office was abolished in 1870 (TDPC 2014:99-106).

Following the dismantling of the main house, Miki embarked on the construction of the tsutome basho (the Place for performing religious services) in 1864 with the initiatives of early followers especially Iburi Izō, who was a carpenter by profession (TDPC 2014:71-89). In 1866, Miki began to teach the form of service (tsutome) that was to be used in her movement. The service involves songs and accompanying hand gestures and dance that are performed in tune with the melodies of nine musical instruments. (See the Ritual section for more details.) This ritual would come to be performed at the Jiba, a site which Miki identified in 1875 in the premises of the Nakayama residence to mark the place of original human conception (TDPC 2014:107-18). In addition to making arrangements for the ritual, Miki began writing what would later come to be called the Ofudesaki (The Tip of the Writing Brush). Written from 1869 to 1882, the text contains a total of 1,711 verses in seventeen parts written in the waka style of poetry (TDPC 2014:119-23). Meanwhile, Miki began to mark herself out as the Shrine of God by wearing a red cloth (akaki) in 1874, and in the same year she began to bestow in various forms the truth of the Sazuke (the Divine Grant), which allowed her followers to conduct healing prayers for those suffering from illness (TDPC 2014:145-46). In 1881, Miki began the construction of the Kanrodai (the Stand for the Heavenly Dew), a hexagonal stand of thirteen stone blocks that demarcates the Jiba. A wooden model of the Kanrodai had been already made by Iburi Izō as early as in 1873 and was placed at the Jiba in 1875, the same year in which Miki identified the Jiba. The construction of the stone-made Kanrodai came to halt in 1882, however, when the police confiscated the stones from Miki’s house (TDPC 2014:221-32). From about 1880-1881, Miki began to tell her followers various stories containing her teachings, and the record of the stories as written by her followers are referred to as kōki (the Divine Record) (TDPC 2014:233-42).

In the aftermath of the Meiji Restoration (1868), Miki and her movement encountered surveillance and prosecution from political authorities as a non-authorized religious group. She was arrested eighteen times between 1875 and 1886. To mitigate the tension, Shūji obtained a license to run a steam bath and an inn so as to allow Miki’s followers to gather at the residence. Moreover, he managed to gain authorization from the Jifuku Temple of Kongōsan and established Tenrin-Ō-Kōsha as a legitimate sub-organization of the Jifuku Temple in 1880, although the Kōsha would be abolished two years later along with the bath and inn (TDPC 2014:206-77). As was the case with the official authorization from Yoshida Shintō, Miki consistently opposed any move to comply with the authorities in ways that could compromise her teaching. In such circumstances, Nakayama Shinnosuke, Miki’s grandson who had become the head of Nakayama family, began an initiative to establish an independent church (kyōkai setsuritsu undō) in 1882. He was granted the permission to establish a church under the direct supervision of the Shinto Main Bureau (Shintō honkyoku) in 1885, but the official authorization from the government was yet to be achieved. There was an internal tension between Miki, who urged her followers to perform the service, and Shinnosuke and other followers, who were keen to gain official authorization so as to prevent any suppression of Miki. This tension was resolved on the lunar calendar date of first month 26th, 1887 (February 18th in Gregorian calendar), when followers performed the service to comply with the request of Miki. Soon after the service ended, Miki passed away at the age of ninety. In Tenrikyō, it is believed that Miki withdrew from physical life (utsushimi wo kakushita) and is still alive (zonmei) overseeing the movement as well as working for the salvation of human beings (TDPC 2014:278-319). As a way to embody this doctrinal idea, it is said that she is served with three meals a day and a bath is run for her, among other things, at the Foundress’ Sanctuary of Tenrikyo Church Headquarters (fieldwork observation). Also related to this notion is that her photograph has never been made public by the Church Headquarters, and this also serves as a way to preserve the sacredness of Miki as the Shrine of God (Nagaoka 2016).

After the death of Miki, Iburi Izō became the Honseki (main seat; i.e. a person who bestows the Sazuke on behalf of Miki) while Shinnosuke served the role of the Shinbashira (central pillar; i.e., the spiritual and administrative leader of the movement). In 1888, the religious movement gained official authorization as Shintō Tenri Kyōkai under the direct supervision of the Shinto Main Bureau in 1888. This led to formations of many churches under Tenri Kyōkai, amounting to some 1,300 churches by 1896. Also in 1888, Tenri Kyōkai published the Mikagura-uta (The Songs for the Service), which is the compilation of the songs taught by Miki. The rapid growth of the religious movement and its focus on faith healing, however, in turn invited criticism from the wider society, particularly from journalists that labeled the group as an “evil cult” (inshi jakyō) on the grounds that the religious movement emphasized superstition and magical healings over modern medical treatment. Similar public criticism was also directed against other new religious groups including Renmonkyō. This social tension developed to the point where the Home Ministry issued its Directive No. 12 in 1896, which enforced strict control and surveillance of the religious movement. As a way to respond to the public scrutiny and criticism, Tenri Kyōkai began to campaign for sectarian independence (ippa dokuritsu undō) in 1899. To meet the government’s criteria for a legitimate religious organization, the group developed an institutionalized religious organization and a systematized doctrine known as the Meiji version of Tenrikyō kyōten (The Doctrine of Tenrikyō), which complied with the government’s regulation that required religious doctrines to be in line with the State Shinto (kokka Shintō). In 1908, the group was granted permission to become an independent religious organization as one of the recognized religions in the thirteen Sect Shinto sects (kyōha shintō jūsanpa) (Astley 2006:100; Nagaoka 2015:75-77; TOMD 1998:56-65).

After gaining sectarian independence, the religious group, now with the name Tenrikyō, enjoyed a relatively peaceful time with regards to political and social pressure under the leadership of Nakayama Shinnosuke, who was the Shinbashira as well as the superintendent (kanchō) of Tenrikyō. With official sanction, Tenrikyō revitalized its efforts of propagation in the subsequent years, particularly by organizing public lectures in such places as factories across the country. This was influenced by the government’s policy of kokumin kyōka (national edification) marked by the initiative known as sankyō kaidō (three religions conference) in 1912, which brought together the representatives of Shinto, Buddhist, and Christian sects for the purpose of strengthening social order in Japan. As a result of the propagation efforts, Tenrikyō experienced rapid growth in the years leading up to 1920, especially in urban regions with a high population growth due to the influx of people from rural areas. In the meantime, Nakayama Shōzen became the superintendent of Tenrikyō in 1915 after the death of Shinnosuke in the previous year (Lee 1994:39-44; Ōya 1996:59-72; TOMD 1998:65-75).

In the following years, Tenrikyō developed further and established various sub-organizations. In 1925, Tenri School of Foreign Languages (Tenri Gaikokugo Gakkō) was established along with what would later become Tenri Central Library (Tenri toshokan). The language school was intended to support followers going overseas for missionary work, which had already begun toward the end of 1890s in Japan’s neighboring countries and regions such as Korea, Manchuria, and Taiwan as well as in immigrant-based regions including Hawaiʻi and the U.S. West Coast. Tenrikyō also established Tenrikyō Printing Office (Tenrikyō kyōchō insatsusho) and the Department of Doctrine and Historical Materials (Kyōgi oyobi shiryō shūseibu) as well as educational facilities such as a nursery, kindergarten, and elementary school. The Osashizu (The Divine Directions; a compilation of divine messages delivered through Iburi Izō) and the Ofudesaki began to be published in 1927 and 1928, respectively. In 1933 and 1934, the construction of the Foundress’s Sanctuary (Kyōsoden) and the South Worship Hall of the Main Sanctuary (Shinden) were completed, respectively, and the Kagura Service was performed around the model Kanrodai. These doctrinal and ritual developments, however, came to be hampered by the initiative known as the adjustment (kakushin) in 1939, which came in the wake of the National Mobilization Act (kokka sōdōin hō). To comply with the state’s demand in the face of war efforts, Tenrikyō made various changes including the removal of certain verses from the Mikagura-uta as well as withdrawing the Ofudesaki and the Osashizu from circulation (TOMD 1998:71-75). While Tenrikyō’s official discourse claims that the religious organization complied with the state on the surface, Nagaoka (2015) has demonstrated how Tenrikyō’s doctrines and practices were (re-)configured through the interaction with the state after the death of Miki. (See Issues/Challenges below for a related discussion.)

In the immediate aftermath of World War II on August 15, 1945, Nakayama Shōzen announced the restoration (fukugen) of Tenrikyō’s teachings into the one as taught by the foundress. He restored the Kagura Service in the same year, and over the next years he published the three scriptures, namely the Ofudesaki (1948), the Mikagura-uta (1946), and the Osashizu (1949), all of which had been prohibited by the government during the war. In 1949, he published Tenrikyō kyōten based on the three scriptures to replace the Meiji version of the doctrine. As a biography of the foundress, he published Kōhon Tenrikyō kyōsoden (the manuscript edition of the Life of Oyasama, Foundress of Tenrikyo) in 1956. In 1953, Shōzen announced the construction of Oyasato-yakata Building-complex (Oyasato yakata) that would surround the sanctuary to embody a model of the Joyous Life world. In further advancing Tenrikyō’s propagation, Shōzen made an official announcement of the promotion of an overseas mission in 1961, seeking to spread the name of the religion in various parts of the world (TOMD 1998:76-80)

With the death of the second Shinbashira in 1967, Nakayama Zenye, Shōzen’s son, became the third Shinbashira. Under his leadership, Tenrikyo started to place emphasis on the religious education of church members. While following in the footsteps of his predecessor who had opened a broad path to the development of the tradition in various fields, the third Shinbashira primarily focused on enhancing the quality of each church community through seminars on doctrine as well as the service performance. In the meantime, Tenrikyō left the Sect Shintō Union (Kyōha Shintō rengōkai) in 1970 and later abolished some of the Shintō-related materials such as himorogi (or more precisely masakaki, a pair of sacred tree branches to which five-coloured silk clothes as well as a ritual sword, mirror, and magatama beads are attached) and shimenawa (a rope that marks the sacred space) in 1976 and 1986, respectively. It also stopped conducting the ritual of tamakushi hōken in 1986. Moreover, the construction of the East and West Worship Halls of the Main Sanctuary was completed in 1984. In 1998, Nakayama Zenye passed on leadership to his son, Nakayama Zenji, who now serves as the fourth Shinbashira. Meanwhile, Tenrikyō held two events of “Tenrikyo-Christian Dialogue” between Tenri University and the Pontifical Gregorian University, the first time in Rome in 1998 and second time in Tenri in 2002. The two events each involved a symposium that brought together academics from both universities as well as some external scholars to exchange theological/doctrinal views on common themes including revelation, salvation, family, and education. In 2013, Nakayama Daisuke, Zenji’s adopted son, became the designated successor to the position of the Shinbashira. In 2014, Nakayama Zenye, the third Shinbashira, passed away at the age of eighty-two (Tenri Daigaku Fuzoku Oyasato Kenkyūsho 1997:286; Tenrikyō Dōyūsha 2016:112; 122, 142, 166, 175, 197, 199; Tenrikyō to Kirisutokyō no Taiwa II Soshiki Iinkai 1998; Tenrikyō to Kirisutokyō no Taiwa II Soshiki Iinkai 2005; TOMD 1998:80-88).

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

The underlying principle of Tenrikyō’s present official teaching is prescribed in Tenrikyō kyōten, the postwar doctrinal text first published in 1949 with the authorization of the second Shinbashira and was later translated into English with the title The Doctrine of Tenrikyo.

The doctrine states that human beings were created by the divine being called Tenri-Ō-no-Mikoto, also referred to as God the Parent (oyagami). In the story of human creation known as the Truth of Origin (Moto no ri), which is also the title of one of the chapters of the doctrinal text, the human creation is said to have taken place 900,099,999 years before the founding of the teaching in 1838 (Tenrikyo Church Headquarters [TCH] 1993:20-23). The story teaches that God the Parent created human beings for the purpose of seeing them lead the Joyous Life (yōki gurashi), the happy, self-less state of human life to be attained in the present world rather than in an afterlife (TCH 1993:12-19). In this view of salvific truth, which expresses a this-worldly orientation that is also characteristic of other Japanese new religions, the mind (kokoro) is defined as the basis of human existence and is indeed considered to be the only thing that belongs to human beings. This is expressed in a commonly cited phrase, “the mind alone is yours” (kokoro hitotsu ga waga no ri) (TCH 1993:52). The human body, which exists in relation to the mind, is described as a “thing lent, a thing borrowed” (kashimono karimono) from God the Parent. The official interpretation of this expression is that the human body is being kept alive by God’s providence (TCH 1993:50-52). The divine providence with which human beings are sustained is referred to as God the Parent’s “complete providence” (jūzen no shugo), which delineates ten aspects of God’s workings relating to the creation and sustenance of human life as the entirety of divine functioning in the human body (TCH 1993:30-32). This relationship between the human body and God further extends to an idea that the existence of all things including human beings and the physical world are reliant upon the providence of God (TCH 1993:32). Described as such, the concept of God is viewed as a synonym of the phenomenal world itself, an idea that is encapsulated in a scriptural phrase, “This universe is the body of God” (Ofudesaki III:40, 135).

In light of this ontological view, the human mind comes to play a key role in Tenrikyō’s soteriological discourse. In the process toward the realization of the Joyous Life, the mind is considered to be the determinant of human experiences and all the phenomena in the world. In this view, God the Parent is believed to provide human beings with divine blessings, such as good health or harmonious relationships with others, depending on the ways in which they use their minds. In this way, the human mind is believed to be able to affect the ways in which divine blessings are provided to human beings. The doctrine makes a distinction between what counts as a proper use of the mind and what does not. The doctrine states that, in order to achieve the world of joyousness, human beings are required to rid themselves of what is called the “dusts of the mind” (kokoro no hokori), a metaphor signifying self-centered thoughts that are considered to be the cause of negative occurrences such as illnesses and troubles. These dusts of the mind are miserliness, covetousness, hatred, self-love, grudge-bearing, anger, greed, and arrogance, while falsehood and flattery should also be avoided (TCH 1993:53). In a symbolic sense, these dusts are believed to accumulate and eventually develop into “causality” (innen), which affects the conditions or circumstances of one’s life in an unwanted manner in the present life and, after one passes away for rebirth, in the next life (TCH 1993:50-57). The doctrine states, however, that these negative phenomena are not punishments per se but rather “divine guidance” (tebiki) with which God the Parent urges human beings to purify their self-centered thoughts (TCH 1993:45-49).

It is postulated that, when the dust of the mind is completely purified, human beings can attain the quality of “true sincerity” (makoto shinjitsu), which represents a state of mind that fully accords with God the Parent’s intention that human beings live their lives by helping one another. In the process of purification, human beings ought to engage in “hinokishin,” which is defined as a selfless, thankful action based on the mind of “joyous acceptance” (tanno), a state of mind that seeks to accept any life events as manifestation of God’s guidance with a sense of joy and spiritedness (TCH 1993:60-83). Having attained the mind of true sincerity, human beings can experience the state of Joyous Life. In this manner, Tenrikyō’s soteriological discourse maintains that one can experience joy in the phenomenal world by perceiving things just as they appear. With their minds purified, human beings can find manifestations of divine blessings in what seem to be daily mundane occurrences and, with that very awareness, can attain the mind of joyousness.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Tenrikyō has developed an array of ritual practices that relate to the soteriological discourse in its doctrine. The most important formalized ritual is called the service (tsutome), which involves symbolic ritual dance and the tune of accompanying nine musical instruments that are performed along the songs based on the words in the Mikagura-uta. [Image at right] At the monthly service on the twenty-sixth of every month (which commemorates the dates of the founding of the teaching as well as the “physical withdrawal” of the foundress) and at other grand services, the Church Headquarters conducts a ritual known as the Kagura Service (kagura-zutome), the name of which derives from Shinto’s traditional theatrical dance known as kagura. In the Kagura Service, ten performers conduct the ritual dance with the Kanrodai as the center while wearing Kagura masks (kagura men) symbolizing the mythical figures described in the Truth of Origin. The service is intended to be a symbolic expression of the Joyous Life as well as the divine providence of God the Parent at the time of the creation of humankind. The Kagura Service is then followed by the Dance with Hand Movements (teodori), which is performed by three men and three women on the dais of the Main Sanctuary. The service is also conducted at a monthly service of local churches in a slightly different form, with six performers dancing to the tune of the same nine musical instruments without Kagura masks. In both cases, the performers portray and spiritually enact religious symbols through the use of their bodies in the Service. Aside from the monthly and grand services, there are also morning and evening services, which are conducted both at the Church Headquarters and at local churches throughout the year, with only the seated service (suwari-zutome) being performed with three of the nine musical instruments (TOD 2004:48-57, 2010:375-382; TOMD 1998:37-40).

Another prominent ritual is a healing rite known as the Sazuke (the Divine Grant), which is performed to pray for the recovery of someone who is afflicted with illnesses and disorders. The Sazuke involves recitation of the name of God and corresponding hand gestures, and the ritual performer strokes the afflicted part of the body of the person concerned. The Sazuke can only be administered by a Yoboku (an initiated member), who has received the truth of the Sazuke (sazuke no ri) from the Foundress through the Shinbashira after going through a systematized procedure of attending a lecture known as Besseki for a total of nine times. The Besseki lecture outlines basic tenets of Tenrikyō, including the Truth of Origin, the dusts of the mind, the body as a thing lent, thing borrowed, the Divine Model of the Foundress, the significance of the service and the Sazuke, and other topics. Through attending the series of lectures, which has the same content each time, the listener is expected to cultivate an orientation of the mind that desires the salvation of others for the rest of his or her life. Compared to the service, which is a collective ritual embodiment of the principle of God the Parent’s providence, the Sazuke is primarily an individual ritual performance that occurs between two persons. The efficacy of the healing ritual is believed to rely upon the sincerity of the one who administers the Sazuke and that of the one who receives it, thus corresponding to the doctrinal claim that the mind constitutes the fundamental basis of human experiences. Because of its nature as a healing ritual, the Sazuke is used by Tenrikyō missionaries to spread their religious teachings to non-followers (TOMD 1998:40-43; TOD 2004:58-59).

As is implied by the particular locality associated with the Kagura Service and the bestowal of the Sazuke, Tenrikyō places a strong emphasis on the significance of the Jiba as the origin of human life as well as the source of salvation. This cosmological centrality of the Jiba in the doctrine is largely embodied in the religious practice of returning to the Jiba (ojiba gaeri). Also referred to as the Pilgrimage to the Jiba in English translation, this religious practice is described metaphorically as a journey to return to the Home of the Parent (oyasato) of all humanity (TOD 2010:137-138, 168-171). This is indeed very much emphasized in the current Japanese official website of Tenrikyo Church Headquarters (Tenrikyō kyōkai honbu), particularly the web page intended for non-followers (Personal note).

Returning to the Jiba can take place as a journey of individual persons or a group and may involve participation in associated and ceremonies along with the most important meaning of visiting the sacred place itself. In the sense of pilgrimage, Tenrikyō followers from all walks of life from different regions and countries come together at the Jiba as fellow children of God and pray for the realization of the Joyous Life during the service (Inoue 2013:177; cf. Ellwood 1982). Aside from the services conducted at the Jiba, Tenrikyo Church Headquarters hold various kinds of training courses for followers including the Spiritual Development Course (shūyōka) as well as conventions and other events of Tenrikyō associations such as the Young Men’s Association  (seinenkai), the Women’s Association (fujinkai), the Student Association (gakuseikai), and the Children’s Association (shōnenkai). Further solidifying the centrality of the Jiba are educational and social welfare institutions built around the Church Headquarters, with a full lineup of facilities from kindergarten to university as well as, for instance, Tenri Yorozu-Sodansho Foundation’s Ikoi no Ie Hospital (TOMD 1998:100-27). [Image at right] Furthermore, the religious organization holds large anniversary events for the foundress on (and around) January 26 every ten years, with the latest one being the 130th anniversary as observed on January 26, 2016. This special event brings large numbers of people to the Jiba as an occasion to renew their commitment to follow the foundress’ teaching.

In addition to these formal rituals, there are some less structured, day-to-day practices that are based on doctrinal concepts. One of them is hinokishin, which normally takes the form of social engagement such as litter picking in public places, cleaning public facilities, etc. These actions of hinokishin are seen to be an expression of gratitude to God for the blessings the followers receive on a daily basis and in effect serve as a way to reach out to the wider society (fieldwork observation). At a more organized level, Tenrikyō has been organizing what is known as the Disaster Relief Hinokishin Corps (saigai kyūen hinokishin tai) to regions in Japan (and in recent years in Taiwan) in the wake of major natural disasters since early twentieth century, including the Great Hanshin Earthquake (1995) and the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami (2011). (See the Issues/Challenges section for a related discussion.)

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Tenrikyō is generally considered to be one of the largest Japanese new religious organizations, particularly among the ones that came into being at the turn of Japan’s modernization. Though the number of adherents is hard to grasp in Tenrikyō, which does not have a proper rite of passage apart from attendance at the Besseki lecture, a statistical review published by the religious organization based on reports from local churches claims 1,216,137 adherents in and outside Japan combined as of 2008. The number is slightly lower than that of 1986, the year of foundress’s centennial anniversary, when it marked the highest number in the post-war period at 1,687,220 (Tenrikyō Omote Tōryōshitsu Chōsa Jōhōka 2008:8). As has been briefly mentioned in the history of the religious group, Tenrikyō had experienced a higher growth in the number of adherents during the pre-war period. In 1896, for example, it claimed the membership of 3,137,113 based on the number of people who paid the membership fee (kōkin) (Arakitōryō Henshūbu 2002:38). Over the course of its development, Tenrikyō has spread to different parts of Japan from Hokkaidō to Okinawa, with church communities mainly concentrated in regions such as Kinki and Setouchi regions, which experienced rapid population growth as a result of industrial development around 1920s (Ōya 1996:71; Tsujii 1997).

Aside from its presence in its country of origin, Tenrikyō has expanded to more than thirty overseas countries and regions (TOD 2009), with the first move taking place in the Korean Peninsula in as early as 1893 (Kaneko K. 2000). Much of its church following is found in countries and regions with a sizable number of Japanese immigrants, including Brazil with approximately 20,000 (Yamada 2010); Hawaii, with 2,000-2,500 (Takahashi 2014); and the U.S. mainland with approximately 2,000 (Kato 2011). There also are significant member pools in Japan’s former Japanese colonies, including South Korea, with approximately 270,000 (Lee 2011); and Taiwan, with approximately 20,000–30,000 (Fujii 2006; cf. Huang 2016). It is estimated that people of Japanese origin comprise the majority of followers in the immigrant-based regions as well as in other regions including Europe, but non-Japanese make up a large proportion or the entirety of adherents in some of the former Japanese colonies as well as in several other regions such as the Republic of the Congo (Fujii 2006; Lee 2011; Mori 2013).

Followers of Tenrikyō living in Japan as well as in other parts of the world are considered to be part of the larger organization under Tenrikyo Church Headquarters (Tenrikyō kyōkai honbu). The organizational structure of Tenrikyō is mainly based on a centripetal principle centered on the religious authority of Tenrikyo Church Headquarters located at the Jiba. [Image at right] This principle involves two threads of organizational logic that are based on spiritual relationship and regional relationship, respectively. The first has to do with a parent-child relationship in which spiritual parents (ri no oya) are those who provide spiritual guidance to members who are, in terms of the religion, their children (ri no ko, “spiritual children”). In the organizational structure, this logic appears in the form of lineage (keitō). The Church Headquarters has about 240 directly supervised churches, the majority of which are known as grand churches (daikyōkai). These directly supervised churches each are connected with the Church Headquarters as their parent. The directly supervised churches in turn have their branch churches (bunkyōkai), thus comprising a chain of parent-child relationships in an institutional lineage structure. From a legal and financial point of view, a Tenrikyō church is an independent and autonomous social entity, but it is thus connected with other superior or subordinate churches in the wider spiritual hierarchy (Yamada 2012:325-28; cf. Morioka 1989:311-18). The second organizational logic concerns a network of churches in respective geographical regions. In Japan, each prefecture is defined as a diocese (kyōku) and is overseen by a Church Headquarters’ administrative office known as a diocese office (kyōmu shichō). In overseas countries, an equivalent function is undertaken by a mission headquarters (dendōchō), a mission center (shucchōsho), or a mission post (renrakusho), respectively, depending on the size of the church following in the country or region concerned. These regionally-based organizational units are intended to enhance the communication and interaction between followers belonging to different church lineages in a given geographical region. A Tenrikyō church is thus symbolically connected with the Church Headquarters in terms of the two interlacing organizational structures, with the spiritual relationship traditionally being the primary source of connection (Yamada 2012:325-28).

The leadership of the church hierarchy centers on the religious authority of the Shinbashira, which literally means the “central pillar.” As the administrative and spiritual leader of the entire Tenrikyō organization, the Shinbashira takes charge of officiating religious rites including the Kagura Service as well as bestow the Sazuke on behalf of the foundress (TOMD 1998:100). It is mandated that the Shinbashira should bear the family name of Nakayama, and the selection of a successor to the position is considered based on the lineage of the foundress (TOD 2010:389). As has been mentioned in the historical description above, the position of the Shinbashira has been traditionally held by direct male descendants or close male relatives in the lineages of the foundress. Under the Shinbashira, there are different ranks of church officials including the Director-in-Chief of Administrative Affairs (omote tōryō), the Director-in-Chief of Religious Affairs (uchi tōryō), headquarters executive officials (honbu-in), headquarters female officials (honbu fujin), and other ranks of senior and junior officials (TOD 2010:139-40). One can observe that most of these positions under the Shinbashira at the Church Headquarters are held by the descendants of the early followers. This family-oriented designation of leadership positions in the Church Headquarters to a large degree mirrors the internal structure of grand churches and branch churches (fieldwork observation).

Despite its close-knit institutional hierarchy centered on the religious authority of the Jiba, there have been numerous cases of schism particularly after the death of the foundress. Normally referred to as heretics (itan) by the Church Headquarters, these groups emerged at certain historical junctures of Tenrikyō’s development with a distinctive claim of salvific truth and related rituals that highlight certain aspects of Nakayama Miki’s teaching. The leaders of these groups have tended to view themselves as legitimate successors of the foundress. Depending on the time period in which these groups took form, they were marked with (1) an expectation for a prophetic figure descending from the spiritual lineage of Nakayama Miki and Iburi Izō; (2) an expectation for the appearance of a prophetic figure capable of effecting social change before the arrival of the end time; and (3) the emergence of religious leaders capable of performing mystical or magical healings. It must be noted that these cases of schism originated from the individual experiences of particular figures existing in periphery areas of the wider religious institution rather than as a result of organizational schism of a particular church. Some of these schismatic groups are Honmichi, Tenrin-Ō-Kyōkai, Shūyōdan Hōseikai, Morarojī Kenkyūsho, Seishōdō Kyōdan, Ōkanmichi, among many others (Yumiyama 2005).

In overseas contexts, one can identify a case of organizational schism in postwar South Korea. Unlike the aforementioned instances of schism in the Japanese context, Tenrikyō’s schism in South Korea was mainly triggered by a socio-political climate engendered by anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korean society. At the height of anti-Japanese sentiment in the public sphere coupled with the South Korean government’s suppression against religions of Japanese origin, a group of Tenrikyō followers in South Korea announced that they were changing their object of worship from a shrine to a model of Kanrodai in 1985. This has in turn led to the split of another group of followers aligning with the Church Headquarters’ orthodox view of the object of worship (Jin 2015, 2016).

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Of all the possible issues and challenges facing the movement, five in particular are worth mentioning, namely, overseas mission, gender issues, Tenrikyō’s roles in society, assessment of prewar history, and membership decline.

In the context of overseas mission, some of the characteristics identifiable as associated with Japanese culture in Tenrikyō’s doctrines, practices, and its institutional and material cultures have had rather ambivalent consequences. The association with Japan and Japanese culture, such as the shrine being the object of worship, has been considered to be a source of difficulty for propagating the religious teaching in South Korea, where anti-Japanese sentiment runs high (Jin 2015, 2016). In a place like Brazil, the centripetal principle of the organizational structure of Tenrikyō has at times led to the appreciation of Japan and its language among followers of Japanese descent, effecting in further consolidation of Tenrikyō as an ethnic religious community (Yamada 2012). At the same time, however, the association with Japan and Japanese culture has served as a resource to attract non-Japanese people in some other regions. This includes Taiwan, where some parts of the population view Japan as a model to follow in contrast to that of the Nationalist government from the mainland China (Huang 2016), and the Republic of Congo and Nepal, where the symbol of religious authenticity is converged with the image of Japan as an industrially developed nation among local members (Mori 2013:131-34; Marilena Frisone, personal communication). Also worth noting in terms of the association with Japan is that Tenrikyō has used Japanese cultural resources (e.g., in the form of Japanese language schools) as a way of increasing the visibility of the group and attracting potential members in such regions as France, New York, and Singapore, where Tenrikyō has established Japanese cultural centers. In relation to the language, the Mikagura-uta can be sung only in the original Japanese except in South Korea, where it is sung in Korean, something that has occurred due to the political circumstances in the country in addition to the similar grammatical structure of the two languages. To address this linguistic limitation, there has been a grassroots initiative in recent years among followers in English-speaking countries to create a “Singable-Danceable Mikagura-uta” (utatte odoreru Mikagura-uta) that can be sung and danced in English (fieldwork observation; see also Inoue 2015). Another potential issue with regards to the overseas mission is that members need to go to the Jiba to become a Yoboku and attend some of the seminars and courses required to obtain certain qualifications, which can be at times difficult for overseas followers due to the time and financial cost for the travel (fieldwork observation).

As is implied in the description of the organizational structure, Tenrikyō also shows ambivalence in its doctrinal views and institutional practices relating to gender orientation. Despite originating from a female leader, Tenrikyō has developed and maintained a rather male-oriented organizational structure with, for example, having only one female honbu-in in its history (Watanabe 2015:15). It also emphasizes the relationship between husband and wife based on the modern sense of gender division of labor with some remaining influence of the household ie system of premodern society, a view that was developed based on a particular interpretation of the foundress’s words in the context of Japan’s modern period (Kaneko J. 2003). It is in fact pointed out that while Miki emphasized the salvation of both men and women as well as contravening traditional taboos concerning women’s bodies, she did not necessarily go beyond the conventional gender roles of men as fathers and women as mothers (Ambros 2013). At the same time, however, the foundress did not necessarily consider married life as an ideal way of living for everybody, for example, encouraging women with certain religious roles such as Kokan to live a single life. In recent times, moreover, the practice of foster parents in local churches is said to show an example of the practice of a “church family” (kyōkai kazoku), which in some ways transcends the configuration of modern nuclear family (Kaneko J. 2003).

Where it concerns social issues, Tenrikyō has been quite active in some social welfare activities including foster parents as well as in disaster relief hinokishin activities in the wake of natural disasters (TOMD 1998:138-141; see also Ambros 2016; Kaneko A. 2002; Kisala 1992). At the same time, however, it has been pointed out that Tenrikyō does not take a clear stance towards certain social or political issues, largely due to the emphasis on the spiritual dimension of salvation in the postwar doctrine (Hatakama 2013). This aspect can be said to have been partly addressed by the initiative of Tenri Yamato Culture Congress (Tenri Yamato bunka kaigi) with the publication of its proceeding known as Michi to shakai (Tenrikyō and Society) in 2004, which contains discussions of various topics including bioethics, environmental issues, and family issues such as domestic violence. The discussion in the book highlights some of the doctrinal concepts as guiding principles to understand these issues from Tenrikyō’s doctrinal viewpoint, i.e., in terms of organ transplants viewing the body as “a thing lent, a thing borrowed,” the universe as the body of God for environmental issues, causality and free use of mind for family issues, to name but a few. The discussion tends to avoid taking sides in controversial issues, although it expresses a certain degree of reservation against the practice of organ transplant on the basis of the teaching of a thing lent, a thing borrowed. In recent years, there has been relatively less concerted efforts to address social issues from Tenrikyō’s standpoint, but individual issues are occasionally discussed in the group’s official publications including Michi no tomo magazine, Tenri jihō newspaper, and Arakitōryō magazine.

As for the interpretation of prewar history, Tenrikyō’s official view has it that the religious institution complied with Japan’s modern state ideology by modifying its doctrines and practices on the surface level while maintaining in the undercurrent the original teaching and practices as taught by Miki (Tenrikyō Omote Tōryōshitsu Tokubetsu Iinkai 1995:44-46). In recent years, however, some scholars have questioned and nuanced this view, which they call the “discourse of two-tier structure” (nijū kōzō ron), by applying historical approaches that highlight a certain level of historical continuity between the prewar and postwar doctrines and practices (see for example Hatakama 2006, 2007, 2012; Nagaoka 2015). Though these scholarly views may not converge with those of scholars affiliated with Tenrikyō, there has recently been an attempt of scholarly dialogue at a special session entitled “Reviewing the Current State of Research on Tenrikyō: Historical Approaches” (Tenrikyō kenkyū no genzai: Rekishi kara tou) at the 2014 annual conference of the Japanese Association for the Study of Religion and Society (“Shūkyō to shakai” gakkai) (Nagaoka et al. 2015). In this panel, historians sought to nuance the evaluation of prewar history in Tenrikyō’s official doctrinal discourse, which are in one way or another shared among scholars studying new religions, by employing approaches derived from the study of deconstruction and postcolonial studies. The discussion in the panel involved responses from scholars affiliated with new religions including Tenrikyō and Konkōkyō, thus being a rare case of a dialogue between two parties sharing different views on the prewar history of new religions (Nagaoka et al. 2015).

As has been briefly mentioned above, the movement has faced a declining membership in recent years, with the membership dropping approximately by 200,000 every ten years between 1986 and 2006. In a statistical review published in 2008, the declining membership is attributed to the passing of elderly followers, the declining number of people starting to attend the Besseki lectures as well as those who receive the truth of the Sazuke, and the declining number of Yoboku who participate in church activities (Tenrikyō Omote Tōryōshitsu Chōsa Jōhōka 2008:8-9, 14, 26, 29). To address this issue, Tenrikyo Church Headquarters has made various attempts to date. These include the manual distribution of the movement’s weekly newspaper, Tenri jihō, among followers living in the same region (Michi no Tomo Henshūbu 2009:10-13) as well as launching training courses such as Tenrikyo Basics Course (Tenrikyō kiso kōza) and Three Day Course (Mikka kōshūkai), which are designed for people who are new to Tenrikyō and followers who cannot take a long leave from work, respectively (Michi no Tomo Henshūbu 2003a, 2003b). These initiatives, among others, are intended to help missionaries to attract new members to the movement as well as help churches to encourage existing members to learn and practice the teaching.

IMAGES

Image #1: Photograph the Ofudesaki (The Tip of the Writing Brush)

Image #2: Photograph of the instruments used in the performance of tsutome.

Image #3: Photograph of the Sazuke ritual being performed by a Yoboku.

Image #4: Photograph of the Tenri Yorozu-Sodansho Foundation’s Ikoi no Ie Hospital.

Image #5: Photograph of the headquarters of Tenrikyō (Tenrikyō kyōkai honbu).

REFERENCES

Primary Sources

Arakitōryō Henshūbu. 2002. “Oyasama go-nensai wo moto ni kyōshi wo furikaeru.” Arakitōryō 209:8-71.

Michi no Tomo Henshūbu. 2009. “’Tenri jihō fukyū he no torikumi.” Michi no tomo 119:8-25.

Michi no Tomo Henshūbu. 2003a. “Kyōka ikusei no shin shisutemu to wa: Tenrikyō kiso kōza.” Michi no Tomo 113:8-15.

Michi no Tomo Henshūbu. 2003b. “Kyōka ikusei no shin shisutemu: Mikka kōshūkai.” Michi no Tomo 113:10-19.

Tenrikyo Church Headquarters. 1998. Ofudesaki: The Tip of the Writing Brush. Tenri: Tenrikyo Church Headquarters.

Tenrikyo Church Headquarters. 1996. The Life of Oyasama, Foundress of Tenrikyo: Manuscript Edition. Third Edition. Tenri: Tenrikyo Church Headquarters.

Tenrikyo Church Headquarters. 1993. The Doctrine of Tenrikyo. Tenth Edition. Tenri: Tenrikyo Church Headquarters.

Tenri Daigaku Fuzoku Oyasato Kenkyūsho. 1997. Kaitei Tenrikyō jiten. Tenri: Tenrikyō Dōyūsha. 

Tenrikyō Dōyūsha, ed. 2016. Bijuaru nenpyō Tenrikyō no hyaku sanjū nen: Meiji 21 nen (1888)—Heisei 27 nen (2015). Tenri: Tenrikyo Dōyūsha.

Tenrikyo Doyusha Publishing Company. 2014. Tracing the Model Path: A Close Look into The Life of Oyasama. Tenri: Tenrikyo Doyusha Publishing Company.

Tenrikyō Omote Tōryōshitsu Chōsa Jōhōka, ed. 2008. Dai 8 kai kyōsei chōsa hōkoku. Tenri: Tenrikyō Kyōkai Honbu.

Tenrikyō Omote Tōryōshitsu Tokubetsu Iinkai, ed. 1995. Sekai tasuke he saranaru ayumi wo: “Fukugen” gojū nen ni atatte. Tenri: Tenrikyo Dōyūsha.

Tenrikyo Overseas Department. 2010. A Glossary of Tenrikyo Terms. Tenri: Tenrikyo Overseas Department.

Tenrikyo Overseas Department. 2009. “A Statistical Review of Tenrikyo.” Tenrikyo, January 26, pp. 4.

Tenrikyo Overseas Department. 2004. Yoboku’s Guide to Tenrikyo. Tenri: Tenrikyo Overseas Department.

Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department. 1998. Tenrikyo: The Path to Joyousness. Tenri: Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department.

Tenrikyō to Kirisutokyō no Taiwa Soshiki Iinkai. 1998. Tenrikyō to Kirisutokyō no taiwa. Tenri: Tenri Daigaku Shuppanbu.

Tenrikyō to Kirisutokyō no Taiwa II Soshiki Iinkai. 2005. Tenrikyō to Kirisutokyō no taiwa II. Tenri: Tenri Daigaku Shuppanbu.

Tenri Yamato Bunka Kaigi, ed. 2004. Michi to shakai: Gendai “jijō” wo shian suru. Tenri: Tenrikyo Dōyūsha.

Secondary Sources

Ambros, Barbara. 2016. “Mobilizing Gratitude: Contextualizing Tenrikyō’s Response after the Great East Japan Earthquake.” Pp. 132-55 in Disasters and Social Crisis in Contemporary Japan: Political, Religious, and Sociocultural Responses, edited by Mark R. Mullins and Koichi Nakano. New York: Palgrave MacMillan.

Ambros, Barbara R. 2013. “Nakayama Miki’s View of Women and Their Bodies in the Context of Nineteenth Century Japanese Religions.” Tenri Journal of Religion 41:85-116.

Astley, Trevor. 2006. “New Religions.” Pp. 91-114 in Nanzan Guide to Japanese Religions, edited by Paul L. Swanson and Clark Chilson. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press.

Ellwood, Robert. 1982. Tenrikyo: A Pilgrimage Faith: The Structure and Meanings of a Modern Japanese Religion. Tenri: Oyasato Research Institute, Tenri University.

Fujii, Takeshi. 2006. “Sengo Taiwan ni okeru Tenrikyō no tenkai.” Tenri Taiwan gakuhō 15:63-75.

Hardacre, Helen. 1994. “Conflict between Shugendō and the New Religions of Bakumatsu Japan.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 21:137-66.

Hatakama, Kazuhiro. 2013. “Oshie no ashimoto wo terasu: ‘Fukugen’ to shakai.” Pp. 59-83 in Gendai shakai to Tenrikyō, edited by Tenri Daigaku Oyasato Kenkyūsho. Tenri: Tenri Daigaku Shuppanbu.

Hatakama, Kazuhiro. 2012. “Kōhon Tenrikyō kyōsoden no seiritsu.” Pp. 193-240 in Katarareta kyōso: Kinse kingendai no shinkōshi, edited by Kazuhiro Hatakama. Kyoto: Hōzōkan.

Hatakama, Kazuhiro. 2007. “Hataraki Hinokishin” Pp. 85-130 in Tenrikyō no kosumorojī to gendai, edited by Tenri Daigaku Oyasato Kenkyūsho. Tenri: Tenri Daigaku Shuppanbu.

Hatakama, Kazuhiro. 2006. “’Fukugen’ to ‘Kakushin.’” Pp. 137-73 in Sensō to shūkyō, edited by Tenri Daigaku Oyasato Kenkyūsho. Tenri: Tenri Daigaku Shuppanbu.

Huang, Yueh-po. 2016. “Colonial Encounter and Inculturation: The Birth and Development of Tenrikyo in Taiwan.” Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 19:78-103.

Ikeda, Shirō. 2006 [1996]. Nakayama Miki to hisabetsu minshū: Tenrikyō kyōso no ayunda michi. Tokyo: Akashi Shoten.

Inoue, Akihiro. 2013. “’Ojiba gaeri’ no junrei ron.” Pp. 167-83 in Gendai Shakai to Tenrikyō, edited by Tenri Daigaku Oyasato Kenkyūsho. Tenri: Tenri Daigaku Shuppanbu.

Inoue, Akihiro. 2015. “Eigo ken ni okeru Tenrikyō dendō: Hawai, Hokubei wo chūshin ni.” Shūkyō to Shakai 21:171-73.

Jin, Jonghyun. 2016. “Kankoku ni okeru Tenrikyō no tenkai: Sengo no kattō to henyō wo megutte.” Jisedai jinbun shakai kenkyū 12:181-97.

Jin, Jonghyun. 2015. “Sengo no Kankoku ni okeru Nikkei shinshūkyō no tenkai: Tenrikyō no genchika wo megutte.” Kankokugaku no furontia 1:42-59.

Kaneko, Akira. 2002. Kaketsukeru shinkōsha tachi: Tenrikyō saigai kyūen no hyakunen. Tenri: Tenrikyō Dōyūsha.

Kaneko, Juri. 2003. “Can Tenrikyō Transcend the Modern Family? From a Humanistic Understanding of Hinagata and Narratives of Foster Care Activities.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 30:243–58.

Kaneko, Keisuke. 2000. Kaitei zōho Tenrikyō dendōshi gaisetsu. Tenri: Tenri Daigaku Shuppanbu.

Kato, Masato. 2011. “Nikkei Amerikajin Tenrikyō shinja no kenkyū: San Furanshisuko Bei Eria zaijū Nikkei Shin-Nisei shinja no jirei wo tōshite.” Pp. 83-113 in Amerikasu no Tenrikyō: Nanboku Amerika ni okeru dendō no shosō to tenbō, edited by Tenri Daigaku Oyasato Kenkyūsho. Tenri: Tenri Daigaku Shuppanbu.

Kisala, Robert. 1992. Gendai shūkyō to shakai rinri: Tenrikyō to Risshō Kōseikai no fukushi katsudō wo chūshin ni. Tokyo: Seikyūsha.

Lee, Won Bum. 2011. “Kankoku ni okeru Nihon no shinshūkyō.” Pp. 55-84 in Ekkyō suru Nikkan shūkyō bunka: Kankoku no Nikkei shinshūkyō, Nihon no Hanryū Kirisutokyō, edited by Won Bum Lee and Yoshihide Sakurai. Sapporo: Hokkaidō Daigaku Shuppankai.

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Personal Note. n.d. I wish to thank Marilena Frisone for drawing my attention to this point.

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Post Date:
13 March 2017

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Heaven’s Gate

HEAVEN’S GATE TIMELINE

1927 Bonnie Lu Trousdale was born in Houston, Texas.

1931 Marshall Herff Applewhite was born in Spur, Texas.

1952 Applewhite enrolled at Austin College in Sherman, Texas.

1954 Applewhite graduated from Austin College with a music degree.

1966 Applewhite was appointed Assistant Professor at University of St. Thomas in Texas.

1970 Applewhite was dismissed from University of St. Thomas.

1972 Applewhite and Nettles met at Bellaire General Hospital in Houston, Texas.

1973 Applewhite and Nettles left Houston, claiming to be ‘‘The Two.”

1973 Applewhite and Nettles were imprisoned for automobile theft and fraud.

1975 “The Two” organized public meetings.

1976 (21 April) Applewhite and Nettles announced that the “Harvest is closed” and that there would be no further opportunities offered to seekers.

1976 (Summer) The Two set up a remote camp near Laramie, Wyoming.

Late 1970s Group was organized into “cells.”

1985 Nettles died of liver cancer.

1991-1992 Total Overcomers Anonymous made the “last call.”

1993 Total Overcomers Anonymous made a “final offer.”

1994 Public meetings resumed.

1996 (October) Heaven’s Gate group rented a ranch at Santa Fe, San Diego.

1996 The Hale Bopp comet appeared.

1997 39 Heaven’s Gate members committed suicide.

1997 Wayne Cooke (Jstody) committed suicide.

1998 Chuck Humphrey (Rkkody) committed suicide.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Bonnie Lu Nettles Trousdale was born in Houston, Texas and grew up in a Baptist family. She became interested
in the occult, and joined the Theosophical Society (Houston Lodge) in 1966. She also had an interest in channeling. She trained as a nurse, and first met Marshall Herff Applewhite in a hospital in Houston in 1972. The exact circumstances are disputed (Balch 1995:141).

Applewhite was the son of a Presbyterian minister and, having obtained a philosophy degree, entered Union Theological Seminary in Richmond, Virginia. He abandoned his theological studies after a single semester, deciding to study music instead. He obtained a master’s degree in the subject from the University of Colorado, and embarked on an academic career, obtaining a position at the University of Alabama, and later at St. Thomas’s University in Houston. In 1970, he was dismissed from the university.

Applewhite met Nettles, and the pair established a close friendship. Their relationship was spiritual rather than sexual, and they came to believe that their acquaintance was in fulfillment of biblical prophecy. In 1973, they proclaimed themselves as the Two Witnesses mentioned in the Book of Revelation (Revelation 11:1-2), and they hired a car to take their message to various U.S. and Canadian states. The couple’s failure to return the hired car, together with credit card fraud by Nettles, led to their arrest and subsequent prison sentences (Applewhite; in Chryssides 2011:19-20).

It was during his six-month period in prison that Applewhite appeared to have developed his teachings. They subsequently focused less on occultism, but more on UFOs and the notion of The Evolutionary Level Above Human (TELAH), which he and Nettles began to teach after being re-united. They believed that there would be a “demonstration” that would provide empirical proof of extraterrestrials who would arrive to collect their “crew.” (Applewhite 2011:21-22).

In order to assemble a “crew,” the couple advertised numerous public meetings. Their first advertisement read:

“UFO’S
Why they are here.
Who they have come for.
When they will leave.
NOT a discussion of UFO sightings or phenomena
Two individuals say they were sent from the level above human, and are about to leave the human level and literally (physically) return to that next evolutionary level in a spacecraft (UFO) within months! “The Two” will discuss how the transition from the human level to the next level is accomplished, and when this may be done.”
“This is not a religious or philosophical organization recruiting membership. However, the information has already prompted many individuals to devote their total energy to the transitional process. If you have ever entertained the idea that there may be a real, PHYSICAL level beyond the Earth’s confines, you will want to attend this meeting” (Chryssides 1999:69).

In its early days the group was called the Anonymous Sexaholics Celibate Church, but this was soon changed to Human Individual Metamorphosis (HIM), which alluded to the group’s aim of aspiring to TELAH. The Two typically gave themselves pseudonyms of matching pairs. In the early days they referred to themselves as Guinea and Pig, alluding to the idea that they were all participating in a cosmic experiment that the Next Level was undertaking. Other adopted names were Bo and Beep, and Do (pronounced “doe”) and Ti, the name by which the public later came to know them (Chryssides 2011:186).

The Two organized 130 meetings at various venues in the U.S. and Canada. At Waldport, near Eugene, Oregon in September, 1975 there were some 200 attendees, and 33 of them decided to join. Joining entailed giving up their conventional lifestyle, leaving home and going “on the road” with Do and Ti, and obtaining food and accommodation (and sometimes cash) in exchange for labor.

Later that year, Do and Te decided to withdraw from public view. They decided that the group should be divided into “cells,” dispersing to various parts of the country. Each member was assigned a partner of the opposite sex, but no physical relationship was permitted. This was one of a number of strict rules that were imposed on followers. Sex was prohibited; members had to cut their ties with the outside world; they were not permitted to watch television or read newspapers; and friendships of any kind of socializing were to be given up. Personal adornment was disallowed: women could not wear jewelry and men were required to shave off beards. It was at this point that members assumed new names ending in “-ody,” such as Jwnody (pronounced “June-ody”) or Qstody (“Quest-ody”). The suffix “-ody” was apparently a corruption of the leaders’ assumed names “Do-Ti,” and the prefix was a contraction of a personal name or some abstract quality associated with the member (DiAngelo 2007:21-22). Many of the group were unable to accept the austere lifestyle, and roughly half of them left.

In 1976, Do and Ti re-appeared and asked followers to meet them at a remote camp near Laramie, Wyoming. The group was divided into “star clusters,” smaller groups, but not dispersed this time. At this point, the group began to wear the “uniforms” with which they came to be associated: nylon anoraks and hoods. The group’s finances also improved, although the precise reasons for this are unclear. Some have suggested that two members inherited a legacy of $300,000, but others have attributed their financial improvement to the services offered by group members, principally technical writing, information technology, and automobile repairs (Balch 1995:157; DiAngelo 2007:50-51).

In the early 1980s, Nettles’ health began to deteriorate. She was diagnosed with cancer, and one of her eyes had to be surgically removed in 1983. She died two years later. Applewhite told the rest of the group that she had abandoned her body in order to arrive at the Next Level, where she would await the others.

The group made itself publicly visible once more in 1992 under the name of Total Overcomers Anonymous (or simply Total Overcomers, or TO). An advertisement by TO was placed in USA Today May 27, 1993, informing readers that the Earth was about to be “spaded under” because of its inhabitants’ lack of evolutionary progress. It made a “final offer” for people to contact the group, which secured around twenty respondents.

This final period in the group’s life was marked by renewed vigor. Concerned about continuing sexual urges, some members had resorted to medication to control their hormones. Others went further; a few, including Applewhite himself, underwent castration. This period, Applewhite taught, was humanity’s “last chance to advance beyond human,” and his message was more urgently apocalyptic than ever before (Balch 1995:163; DiAngelo 2007:57-58).

In 1996, the group rented a mansion in Rancho Santa Fé, some 30 miles outside of San Diego. The group
continued with its IT consultancy work, under the name of Higher Source. During the third week in March, 1997, the group requested that there should be no visitors. There had been reports about the arrival of Hale-Bopp comet, and Applewhite believed that there was a spacecraft behind it that contained a Representative of the Kingdom of Heaven.

During this final week, Rio DiAngelo (NEody) left the group on the grounds that he had “work to do outside the class for the Next Level” (DiAngelo:104). The rest of the group began to make video-recordings of farewell messages. DiAngelo kept in contact with the group, but he failed to receive e-mail replies on Monday, March 24. The following day he received a package containing the recorded messages. On Wednesday he returned to the mansion with a friend and discovered the 39 bodies, including Applewhite. All but two of the group were laying under purple shrouds; they were wearing black trousers and Nike trainers. Those who wore spectacles had laid them out neatly at their sides; and a small baggage case lay beside each bed (DiAngelo 2007:105-09).

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

In common with several UFO-religions, Heaven’s Gate combined belief in UFOs with biblical ideas, particularly, although not exclusively, drawing on the Book of Revelation. Nettles and Applewhite cast themselves as the Two Witnesses mentioned in the book, who had the responsibility of delivering the message to humankind. The group’s key teachings are contained in their website, “ How and When Heaven’s Gate May Be Entered.”

According to Heaven’s Gate’s cosmology, there existed three types of being: those living on earth, those inhabiting The Evolutionary Level Above Human, and ‘adversarial space races’ known as the Luciferians. These Luciferians are “fallen” ancestors of TELAH members. They created a civilization with advanced technology, and continue to retain some of their scientific knowledge. They can build spacecrafts and carry out genetic engineering. However, they are morally degenerate, perpetrating misinformation among the human race, abducting humans for genetic experiments, and securing their allegiance for their nefarious purposes (Applewhite 1993).

The bodies of these Next Level (TELAH) beings are physical, although markedly different from human bodies.
They have eyes, ears, and a rudimentary nose, and have a voice box, although they do not need to use it since they can communicate telepathically. These Next Level members have “tagged” selected individuals with “deposit chips” or souls, in order to prepare them for the Next Level Above Human. These humans need to make progress towards “metamorphic completion” with the aid of the Next Level “Reps’” (representatives’) teachings. Some individuals decide “not to pursue,” thereby making themselves followers of Lucifer. Others may make insufficient progress, in which case they will be “put on ice” until the Next Level Reps re-visit the earth; they will then be given a new physical body.

Such terrestrial visits by the Next Level are rare. The last was two thousand years ago, when one of the Older Members of TELAH sent a representative to earth. This was his son, Jesus, also referred to as “the Captain,” who brought an “away team” with him with the task of preaching the message of how the kingdom of God might be entered. However, the Luciferians incited the human race to kill the Captain and his crew, and encouraged them to propagate false teachings. Such falsehoods include the belief that Jesus was born as an infant. The truth, Applewhite affirmed, is that Jesus’ body was ‘tagged’ by an Older Member. He matured spiritually until his baptism, which heralded his earthly mission, and his transfiguration, which completed his spiritual maturation. At his resurrection, Jesus assumed a new Next Level body and was taken up to heaven by a UFO at his ascension.

Two millennia later another “away team” entered selected human bodies. This time it was a male and female couple: the “Admiral” (also called the “Father”) was Bonnie Nettles, who worked through Marshall Applewhite (the “Captain”), purportedly proclaiming Jesus’ message and continuing his incomplete work. To underline the fact that the Two worked as one, they chose complementary names like Bo and Peep, and Ti and Do. Their mission was to collect “tagged” individuals who had been selected for the Next Level. As with Jesus’ followers, Applewhite’s community was to cut all earthly ties, and to train for the coming opportunity to enter the Next Level.

Little time was left. The Earth was coming to the end of its 6,000-year life, and Earth was suffering irreparably from pollution and dwindling resources. It had now to be “spaded over” in order to be made ready for the next era. The year 1997, arguably, fell exactly 2,000 years after Jesus’ birth, which Applewhite dated (in common with many historians) as 4 B.C.E. The arrival of the Hale Bopp comet in that year was therefore regarded as a significant portent. The group’s belief that there was a “companion” body behind it indicated the presence of the TELAH spacecraft that had arrived to enable the members to leave the world and join Ti’s crew.

The collective suicide supposedly enabled Applewhite’s followers to rise again in the new Next Level bodies. It was regarded as a triumph rather than a disaster. As he taught, “The true meaning of ‘suicide’ is to turn against the Next Level when it is being offered.” The passage in Revelation which speaks of the Two Witnesses concludes, “Then they heard a loud voice from heaven saying to them, ‘Come up here’. And they went up to heaven in a cloud, while their enemies looked on” (Revelation 11:12).

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Apart from the final suicide in March, 1997, the Heaven’s Gate group had few, if any, practices that could be described as rituals. The only activities that could be described as “ritual,” or perhaps more accurately as pieces of symbolism, were The Two’s practice of having two members sit on either side of them during public lectures: they were to serve as “buffers” to deflect negative energy from the audience. Another ritual feature was Applewhite’s practice of lecturing beside an empty white chair: this was for his deceased partner, Ti, who was believed to be still present in spirit. There were also periods known as “tomb time” during which members were not allowed to speak to each other. Such periods could last for several days, and they caused some members to report an awareness of spaceships that had supposedly come into close range.

Despite the relative absence of formal rituals, the group had a highly structured routine. According to Balch, there was “a procedure for every conscious moment in life” (Lewis 1995:156). Members were required to give up contacts with the world and their former lives. In the last years of the group, members wore androgynous clothing resembling that of monks. Detailed rules of behavior were laid down in “The 17 Steps,” which gave instructions about how to performing assigned tasks, and lists of “Major Offenses” and “Lesser Offenses” were meticulously defined. Applewhite kept a procedure book, which was updated every day. Members were assigned “check partners” to whom they had to report daily, inquiring whether any aspect of their behavior differed from their “Older Members,” Ti and Do (DiAngelo 2007:27-29).

There were rules about food and clothing. Applewhite prohibited fish and mushrooms, and at one point in the group’s life members had a six-week period of fasting in which they only consumed “Master Cleanser,” a drink made from lemon or lime juice combined with maple syrup and cayenne pepper (DiAngelo 2007:47).

This group had its own distinctive vocabulary for describing its teachings and practices. For example, the body was described as one’s “vehicle,” one’s mind as the “operator,” the house as a “craft,” and money as “sticks.” Breakfast, lunch and dinner were called the first, second, and third “experiments” respectively, and recipes were “formulas.”

Importantly, group members did not go out UFO-spotting. Applewhite declared that he was the Next Level’s sole contactee (Balch 1995:154).

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Applewhite and Nettles were the exclusive leaders of the group until the latter’s death in 1985, when Applewhite assumed full control. As mentioned above, the group was split into “cells” in the late 1970s and subsequently reunited.

During its history the group adopted various names: Anonymous Sexoholics Celibate Church, Total Overcomers
Anonymous (1991-92), Human Individual Metamorphosis (HIM), and finally Heaven’s Gate. The trading name of the group’s web design company was Higher Source.

At its peak, the group had around 200 members. The number who committed suicide on March 22-23, 1997 was 39, including Applewhite. Three other members were not present. Two subsequently took their own lives in the same ritual manner, while Rio DiAngelo remains alive and committed to spreading the group’s message. Although the Heaven’s Gate organization died with its members, its website has been mirrored, and remains online.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

The most obvious issue raised by Heaven’s Gate is how a group of followers can be brought to commit collective suicide. The group was not subject to any external threat, and there is no evidence that Applewhite’s supporters were mentally ill, vulnerable, or unduly credulous. The event gave further impetus to “brainwashing” theories, to which the public has given credence, and which are fuelled by the anti-cult movement and the media. The presence of brainwashing becomes less plausible, however, when one considers that only a very small proportion felt constrained to give up worldly ties to follow Nettles and Applewhite, and the majority of those subsequently left the group.

A further issue relates to the media coverage of Heaven’s Gate. The inevitable portrayal of such groups as “bizarre” and “wacky” “cults” gained further momentum through the media’s use of so-called “cult experts.” These commentators tend to lack formal qualifications in relevant academic fields such as religion, psychology, sociology, or even counseling, and in reality are vociferous anti-cult spokespersons. The Heaven’s Gate group was largely unknown, either in the academic community or among the public, but this did not appear to prevent these spokespersons from expressing opinions about the group. This was in contrast to academics who later gained expertise on Heaven’s Gate’s history and doctrines, but needed adequate time to study and reflect on the events.

Allied to the theme of public and media perceptions of Heaven’s Gate is the profiling of group members. Those who join NRMs are often assumed to be young and impressionable, but this was certainly untrue of Heaven’s Gate. Although the youngest member was 26, the oldest was 72, and the average age was 47. Most of the group were well-educated, indeed professional people, and did not conform to the popular or anti-cult stereotypes.

Three further issues have been identified for academic discussion: the role of the internet, the theme of violence, and millennialism. When the news of the Heaven’s Gate deaths first hit the headlines, the internet was in its infancy, and the public were largely ignorant about its nature and potential. Because much of its material could be viewed worldwide, many assumed that it was a powerful recruiting tool. Although Applewhite’s group was one of the first NRMs to use the World Wide Web, and although there is evidence that at least one seeker found the group through its web site, there is no evidence that its web presence was instrumental in attracting substantial numbers of followers, most of whom were attracted through the leaders’ more traditional public lectures. In 1997, the internet was largely confined to providing information, and arguably, since most web surfers would view information outside the group’s environment, they would be in a better position to reflect and evaluate its ideas than they would have been in more traditional settings.

Perhaps surprisingly, it is not simply the anti-cult movement that identifies Heaven’s Gate as an example of millennial violence. James R. Lewis (2011:93) writes about “The Big Five,” which encompass the Peoples Temple, Waco’s Branch Davidians, the Solar Temple, Aum Shinkrikyo, and Heaven’s Gate. Such characterization is debatable. The Heaven’s Gate group was certainly not “big,” and it was not violent, unless one simply means that it ended with multiple unnatural deaths. Members did not harm others and, although they owned a few guns, possessing such weapons is commonplace in the U.S., and they were not used.

Heaven’s Gate is sometimes characterized as a “millennial” group. This term needs to be used with some caution. The group was millennial in the sense of preaching an imminent end to affairs on earth (it would soon be “spaded over”), and the fact that its members’ demise occurred exactly two millennia after Jesus’ presumed birth date is no doubt significant. However, despite Applewhite’s preoccupation with the Book of Revelation, the group never believed in any thousand-year period during which Satan would be bound (Revelation 20:2). Applewhite taught from the Bible but, as Zeller (2010) has pointed out, uses “an extraterrestrial hermeneutic.”

REFERENCES

Applewhite, Marshall Herff. 1993. “‘UFO Cult’ Resurfaces with Final Offer.” Accessed from http://www.heavensgate.com/book/1-4.htm on 28 December 2012.

Applewhite, Marshall Herff. 1988. “’88 Update—The UFO Two and their Crew.” Pp.17-35 in Heaven’s Gate: Postmodernity and Popular Culture in a Suicide Group, edited by George D. Chryssides. Farnham: Ashgate.

Balch, Robert W. 1995. “Waiting for the Ships: Disillusionment and the Revitalization of Faith in Bo and Peep’s UFO Cult.” Pp. 137-66 in The Gods Have Landed: New Religions from Other Worlds, edited by James R. Lewis. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Chryssides, George D., ed. 2011. Heaven’s Gate: Postmodernity and Popular Culture in a Suicide Group. Farnham: Ashgate.

Chryssides, George D. 1999. Exploring New Religions. London and New York: Cassell.

DiAngelo, Rio. 2007. Beyond Human Mind: The Soul Evolution of Heaven’s Gate. Beverly Hills CA: Rio DiAngelo.

Lewis, James R., ed. 2011. Violence and New Religious Movements. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.

Lewis, James. 1995. The Gods Have Landed: New Religions from Other Worlds. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Zeller, Benjamin E. 2010. “ Extraterrestrial Biblical Hermeneutics and the Making of Heaven’s Gate.” Nova Religio 14:34-60.

SUPPLEMENTARY RESOURCES

Balch, Robert W. 2002. “Making Sense of the Heaven’s Gate Suicides.” Pp. 209-28 in Cults, Religion and Violence, edited by David G. Bromley and J. Gordon Melton. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Balch, Robert W. 1998. “The Evolution of a New Age Cult: From Total Overcomes Anonymous to Death at Heaven’s Gate: A Sociological Analysis.” Pp. 1-25 in Sects, Cults, and Spiritual Communities, edited by William W. Zellner and Marc Petrowsky. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Balch, Robert W. 1985. “When the Light Goes Out, Darkness Comes: A Study of Defection from a Totalistic Cult.” Pp 11-63 in Religious Movements: Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers, edited by Rodney Stark. New York: Paragon House Publishers.

Balch, Robert W. 1980. “Looking Behind the Scenes in a Religious Cult: Implications for the Study of Conversion.” Sociological Analysis 41:137-43.

Balch, W. Robert and David Taylor. 2003. “Heaven’s Gate: Implications for the Study of Religious Commitment.” Pp. 211-37 in Encyclopedic Sourcebook of UFO Religions, edited by James R. Lewis. Amherst, New York: Prometheus Books.

Balch, W. Robert and David Taylor. 1977. “Seekers and Saucers: The Role of the Cultic Milieu in Joining a UFO Cult.” American Behavioral Scientist 20:839-60.

Brasher, E. Brenda. 2001. “The Civic Challenge of Virtual Theology: Heaven’s Gate and Millennial Fever in Cyberspace.” Pp. 196-209 in Religion and Social Policy, edited by Paul D. Nesbitt. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press.

Chryssides, George D. 2013 (forthcoming). “Suicide, Suicidology and Heaven’s Gate.” In Sacred Suicide, edited by James R. Lewis. Farnham: Ashgate.

Chryssides, George D. 2005. “Heaven’s Gate: End-Time Prophets in a Post-Modern Era.” Journal of Alternative Spiritualities and New Age Studies 1:98-109.

Davis, Winston. 2000. “Heaven’s Gate: A Study of Religious Obedience.” Nova Religio 3:241-67.

Goerman, L. Patricia. 2011. “Heaven’s Gate: The Dawning of a New Religious Movement.” Pp. 57-76 in Heaven’s Gate: Postmodernity and Popular Culture in a Suicide Group, edited by George Chryssides. Farnham: Ashgate.

Goerman, L. Patricia. 1998. “Heaven’s Gate: A Sociological Perspective.” M.A. thesis, Department of Sociology, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA.

Lalich, Janja. 2004. “Using the Bounded Choice Model as an Analytical Tool: A Case Study of Heaven’s Gate.” Accessed from http://www.culticstudiesreview.org/csr_member/mem_articles/lalich_janja_csr0303d.htm on April 15, 2005.

Lewis, James R. 2003. “Legitimizing Suicide: Heaven’s Gate and New Age Ideology.” Pp. 103-28 in UFO Religions, edited by Christopher Partridge. London: Routledge.

Lewis, James . 2000. “Heaven’s Gate.” Pp. 146-49 in UFO’s and Popular Culture, edited by James R. Lewis. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO.

Marty, E. Martin. 1997. “Playing with Fire: Looking at Heaven’s Gate.” Christian Century 114: 379-80.

Miller, D. Patrick, Jr. 1997. “Life, Death, and the Hale-Bopp Comet.” Theology Today 54:147-49.

Muesse, Mark W. 1997. “Religious Studies and ‘Heaven’s Gate’: Making the Strange Familiar and the Familiar Strange.” Chronicle of Higher Education, April 25.

Nelson, Dear. 1997. “To Heaven on a UFO? Heaven’s Gate Forces Us to Ask if It’s ‘Stupid’ to Die for Our Beliefs.” Christianity Today 41:14-15.

Peters, Ted. 2004. ”UFOs, Heaven’s Gate, and the Theology of Suicide.” Pp 239-50 in Encyclopedic Sourcebook of UFO Religions, edited by James R. Lewis. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

Peters, Ted. 1998. “Heaven’s Gate and the Theology of Suicide.” Dialog 37:57-66.

Robinson, Gale Wendy. 1997. “Heaven’s Gate: The End?” Journal of Computer and Mediated Communication. Accessed from http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol3/issue3/robinson.html on 5 April 2005.

Rodman, Rosamond. 1999. “Heaven’s Gate: Religious Otherworldliness American Style.” Pp 157-73 in Bible and the American Myth: A Symposium in the Bible and Constructions of Meaning, edited by Vincent L. Wimbush. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press.

Urban, Hugh. 2000. “The Devil at Heaven’s Gate: Rethinking the Study of Religion in the Age of Cyber-Space.” Nova Religio 3:268-302.

Wessinger, Catherine. 2000. How the Millennium Comes Violently: From Jonestown to Heaven’s Gate. New York: Seven Bridges Press.

Zeller, Benjamin E. 2006. “Scaling Heaven’s Gate: Individualism and Salvation in a New Religious Movement.” Nova Religio 10:75-102.

Post Date:
30 December 2012

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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