Islam

Islam

ISLAM TIMELINE

Distant Past:  According to Islamic tradition, Adam was not only the first man, but also the first prophet. Subsequent prophets included Noah, Abraham, Moses, and Jesus.

570:  The Prophet Muhammad was born.

610:  The beginning of the revelation of the Quran took place.

622:  The Hijra (emigration) to Medina took place.

629:  Mecca was conquered.

632:  The Prophet Muhammad died.

632:  The accession of Abu Bakr as first Caliph took place.

634:  The first battle between Muslim and Byzantine forces took place.

651:  The Sassanid empire was defeated.

657:  The battle of Siffin took place.

661:  The Umayyad Caliphate was established.

680:  The battle of Karbala took place.

900s:  Greek philosophy was read in Baghdad.

1200s:  The Muslim conquest of Turkey started.

1300s:  The Muslim conquest of India started.

1400:  A sultanate in Malacca, Malaysia was established.

1514-1639:  There was a struggle between the Sunni Ottoman Empire and Shi’i Safavid Empire.

1630:  The first known Muslim immigrant arrived in America.

1920:  Most of the Muslim world was under European colonial control.

1950s-1960s:  There was a decolonization of Muslim world.

1980-1988:  The Iran-Iraq War took place.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY 

Islam was established by Muhammad ibn Abdullah (570-632), born in the city of Mecca on the Western side of the Arabian Peninsula. According to Muslim belief, Muhammad was brought up in the pagan and polytheistic religion of the Meccans, but held back from their more problematic practices of drinking, gambling, and fornicating. He worked as a trader, loved his wife Khadija bint Khuwaylid (555-619), and often withdrew to mediate in a cave in a mountain a little outside Mecca. Here, in 610, he received a revelation from God, delivered through the angel Gabriel. This first revelation was followed by other revelations over the remainder of Muhammad’s life.

Starting with his wife Khadija, Muhammad told people about his revelations, and gathered a small group of followers who accepted that there was only one god, called Allah, and rejected the various gods of the polytheist Meccans. Muhammad’s early followers also accepted that Muhammad was a prophet (rasul, messenger), receiving revelations from God, and that they should focus on God, the Day of Judgment and the afterlife, not only on the apparent but temporary delights of life on earth. Muhammad’s revelations referred to the stories familiar to Jews and Christians from the Torah and the Bible, which were evidently already known in Mecca, as there were Jews in the region, as well as a small number of Christians. Some of the persons in these stories are associated by Muslims with Mecca. Abraham is believed to have left his wife Hagar and his son Ishmael there. Running short of water, Hagar ran in desperation between two hills, Safa and Marwa, until God brought forth a spring of fresh water for them. It was partly in gratitude for this and partly in response to God’s command that Abraham later built a temple nearby, the small cubed edifice known as the Ka’ba [Image at right].

Although Muhammad gathered some followers, he attracted rather more opposition, as he was challenging not only the way of life of the Meccans but also their gods. He was protected by the leader of his clan, his uncle Abu Talib ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib (d. c. 619), however, and continued his preaching. After Abu Talib’s death, the new clan chief was hostile to Muhammad, who in 622 led some seventy followers from Mecca for Yathrib, an originally Jewish oasis some 300 miles to the north where there were already a few Muslims. The Muslims were accepted in Yathrib as a new clan and as members of Yathrib’s tribal confederacy. The move to Yathrib, known as the hijra (emigration), was the start of a distinct self-governing Muslim community, and later became year zero in the Islamic calendar. Yathrib became known as Medina, “the city.”

The hijra started a new phase in the history of Islam, as Muhammad became not just a preacher but also the leader of his community, and Islam thus came to cover community life as well as the more general principles that Muhammad had preached in Mecca. The Muslim community of Medina under the Prophet was soon involved in war, however, fighting the Meccans in a series of minor engagements and a few major battles. This war lasted until 629, when Mecca surrendered to a force of some ten thousand Muslims led by Muhammad. At this point, Islam was established as the dominant religious and political force in the area; Muhammad, however, died soon afterwards, in 632. He was buried in Medina, where a mosque was later built over his tomb [Image at right]. He was replaced as leader of the Muslims by his father-in-law, Abu Bakr Abdallah ibn Abi Quhafa (573-634), who became the first “Caliph” (successor).

Islam then spread beyond the Arabian peninsula in the wake of a series of wars, between 634 and 651, during which the Muslims defeated both the two major regional empires of the time, the Eastern Roman or Byzantine empire based in Constantinople (now Istanbul) and the Sassanid empire based in present-day Iran (Hoyland 2014). The Muslim armies took half the territories of the Eastern Roman empire (most importantly Egypt and the Levant area around Syria) and all the territories of the Sassanid empire (most importantly present-day Iraq, Iran, and parts of Afghanistan). They later added what is now Morocco in the west and what is now Pakistan in the south east. These conquests are remarkable, but not unprecedented: the Western Roman empire based on Rome, for example, was also overrun by “barbarians,” in this case Goths and Vandals. Centuries later, half the territories conquered by the Muslim Arabs would themselves be conquered by a new wave of barbarians, the Mongols. What is remarkable is that the Muslim Arabs maintained the territories they had conquered as one empire for several centuries, rather than letting their empire fragment as the empires of the Goths, Vandals and Mongols quickly fragmented.

Although the Muslim Arab empire or Caliphate did not begin to fragment politically for several centuries, an early dispute did develop between several candidates for the position of Caliph (successor, ruler), with important consequences for the future of Islam. Shortly after Ali ibn Abi Talib (601-61), the husband of Muhammad’s daughter Fatima (d. 632), became Caliph in 656, Muʿawiya ibn Abi Sufyan (602-80), a distant relative of Muhammad, led an army against Ali at the Battle of Siffin (657). Although this battle proved indecisive, Muʿawiya became Caliph after the death of Ali, establishing a family dynasty that was opposed unsuccessfully by the family of Ali, most notable at the Battle of Karbala (680), during which Ali’s son Hussein was killed. The chief significance of these events was that the normative Islam of the Caliphate, known as Sunni Islam, developed distinctly from the Islam followed by the supporters of Ali, who became known as the Shi’a, giving rise to the two major denominations of Islam. Sunni Islam and Shi’i Islam have separate WRSP entries. What is said of Islam in the remainder of this entry refers only to what is true of both Sunni Islam and Shi’i Islam.

The Caliphate formed the heart of what is now the Middle East, governed after 661 first by the Umayyad dynasty from Damascus and later by the Abbasid dynasty from Baghdad. It became one of the major political-cultural blocs in human history, comparable to the original Roman empire or Han China, and firmly established Islam as a major world religion. Its rulers were Arabic-speaking Muslims, and over the centuries the majority of its inhabitants adopted the language and religion of the elite, though somewhat unevenly. Earlier languages, notably Persian and Tamazight (Berber), survived in the far east and far west of the Caliphate, and earlier religions, notably Christianity and Judaism, survived in pockets everywhere. Christians and Jews inside the Caliphate were legally protected, but were also subject to certain legal restrictions.

Islam later spread beyond the Caliphate, sometimes in the wake of further conquests by Muslim rulers (most importantly, of what is now Turkey in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and of most of India between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries) and sometimes through preaching. Preachers took Islam south into sub-Saharan Africa, north into Central Asia, east into China, and southeast into Indonesia and Malaysia, where a Muslim sultanate was established in about 1400. The “Muslim world,” countries in which Muslims form the majority [image at right], now stretches south-west from Kazakhstan through Turkey and the Arab world to Senegal in West Africa, and south-east from Kazakhstan through Iran and Pakistan to Indonesia. Muslims also form substantial minorities in China and Russia, and there are significant Muslim minorities in Western Europe and North America, where the first Muslim arrived in 1630 (GhaneaBassiri 2010:9). Islam is now the world’s second largest religion, estimated by the Pew Research Center (Lipka 2017) as being followed by 1,800,000,000 people in 2015, about one quarter of the earth’s population. The largest ethnic groups are, in order of size, Arab, South Asian, Indonesian, and African. Although Islam is associated with the Arabs, and although Arabic is the language of the Quran and remains the universal language of Islamic scholarship, most Muslims today are not Arabs.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Muslims believe that there is one single god, called Allah, who created the world and humanity, sent a series of prophets to tell people how to live their lives, and will judge all humans individually on the Day of Judgment, sending some to heaven and others to hell. They believe that the first prophet was Adam, that later prophets included Noah, Abraham, Moses, and Jesus, and that Muhammad was the last prophet, after whom there will be no more prophets. All prophets taught essentially the same message, but the teachings of some prophets were later misunderstood or distorted by their followers, giving rise, for example, to the idea that Jesus was the son of God. Just as God taught through Moses how the Jews should live, bringing them the commandments (mitzvot) that are the basis of the law (halakha), so God also taught through Muhammad how the Muslims should live, bringing them the rules (fiqh) that are the basis of the law (sharia). Muslims also believe that the text of the Quran [Image at right] is the word of God, revealed to the Prophet Muhammad through the intermediary of the angel Gabriel. As well as believing in the existence of angels, beings created by God just like humans, Muslims also believe in the existence of the jinn, a third class of being, comparable in some ways to demons. The jinn, like humans, have free will, and so can choose to obey God or disobey God. There are thus Muslim jinn and Christian jinn, just as there are Muslim and Christian humans. Angels, in contrast, do not have free will: they can only obey God. For this reason, it is argued, Satan cannot ever have been an angel.

Islamic doctrines and beliefs, then, belong to the same group as Jewish and Christian doctrines and beliefs. God is understood in a very similar way, though Muslims are closer to Jews than to Christians in rejecting the idea of a trinity and in having a divine law (sharia or halakha). The community of believers is also understood in a very similar way, though Muslims are closer to Christians than to Jews in that they encourage conversion. Muslims, however, also believe that Christians and Jews living in a Muslim state have the right to follow their own religions if they choose not to convert and are loyal to the state: forced conversion is not acceptable.

Partly as a result of these similarities, Islamic theology has had to grapple with many of the same problems that have confronted Jewish and Christian theology. Among these are the issues of free will and predestination. A further connection between Islamic, Jewish and Christian theology results from the influence of Greek philosophy, which became known to Muslim theologians during the ninth century, and gave rise to much the same debates as it did in Jewish and Christian circles. It has been argued that medieval Latin scholastic philosophy and the Arabic philosophy of the same period, which engaged Jews in the Arab world as well as Muslims, are essentially one (Marenbon 1998:1-2).

Islamic theology has also had to grapple with the implications of the ideas of the Enlightenment and the discoveries of natural science. During the nineteenth century, a small number of Muslim intellectuals who were in close contact with intellectual developments in Europe followed nineteenth-century European models. Some became anti-clericals or even atheists on the French model, while others developed liberal, modernist understandings of Islam which emphasized the compatibility of Islam, reason and science (Hourani 1962). This trend (Islamic modernism) never became widespread in the Muslim world outside a narrow class, partly because the political situation meant that its exponents were open to charges of collaboration with colonialism, but remains alive today. A few liberal Muslim theologians now argue, for example, in favor of critical readings of the Quran and later Islamic texts, and in favor of understandings of Islam that are compatible with feminism and LGBT rights (Safi 2003). Mainstream positions on some issues, however, have shifted significantly over the last 150 years. Slavery, which was once a universal institution recognized and regulated by the Sharia, is now almost entirely rejected (Clarence-Smith 2006). Understandings of gender have also changed almost everywhere, though gender practices remain extremely conservative by liberal Western standards (Haddad and Esposito 1998).

Most Muslims, in contrast, have rejected the more controversial discoveries of natural science. Evolution is not generally taught in schools in the Muslim world, and Muslims are generally creationists, though the term is not used (Riexinger 2011). The Quran is still generally understood as the actual words of God.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

The central personal ritual of Islam is the five daily prayers or sala [Image at right], which are to be performed at particular times every day. Any adult, sane Muslim who is not ill or menstruating must put themselves in a state of purity by washing in a prescribed fashion, turn towards the Ka’ba in Mecca, and recite particular words accompanied by particular motions, including sajda, during which the forehead is placed on the ground. Performing the sala takes about five or ten minutes, except on Fridays, when men (and sometimes women) perform the sala jointly in a mosque after listening to a sermon. Sermons vary in length, but the Friday Prayer generally lasts for about one hour. The sala is understood as an obligation that brings various benefits.

In addition to the sala there is also the du’a, shorter prayers for particular purposes that may be said as desired at appropriate moments. A du’a might ask God for faith, or for deliverance from a particular peril, and does not require any particular posture.

The central communal practice of Islam is fasting during the day for the whole of the month of Ramadan. Fasting involves abstaining not only from eating food but also from drinking (and by extension smoking) and from sexual activity. Like the sala, fasting is understood as an obligation that brings various benefits. Some Muslims also fast at additional points during the year.

A third important practice which is both individual and communal is the giving of charity. This is obligatory for those who have the financial means to do it, and is calculated following particular rules and rates, rather like an annual income tax return. It is an individual practice in that it is the individual who pays it, and communal in that it is the community that benefits from it.

The extent to which Muslims actually perform the sala varies from time to time and place to place. Although in theory there is no excuse for not performing it (other than being a child, insane, etc.), many people in the largest cities of the Muslim world today do not perform the sala, and perhaps even most do not perform it. Some Muslims perform the sala scrupulously during some periods of their lives but not during others. Most Muslims in the Muslim world, in contrast, do fast during Ramadan. The rhythm of life adjusts, with the working day ending early so that families can eat together at sunset, and eating in public during the fast is frowned upon. The extent to which charity is given is hard to ascertain, but many wealthy Muslims clearly do give charity as they should (Sedgwick 2006).

In addition to prayer and fasting, an important ritual for those in a position to perform it is visiting the Ka’ba. At the beginning of Islam, this was possible for all Muslims, as all Muslims lived in the Arabian Peninsula. As Islam spread around the world, it became possible only for the small number of Muslims who lived near Mecca or for those who had the time and money needed to travel long distances; these were often members of the ulama (scholars of religion). With the introduction of steamships and then airplanes, it became possible for ever more Muslims to travel to Mecca, and numbers visiting the Ka’ba rose from the thousands to the millions, necessitating a major re-building process (Peters 1994a).

Visiting the Ka’ba requires not only a state of purity but also (for males) a particular form of dress, consisting of two pieces of undyed and unsewn cloth [Image at right]. The visitor then circles the Ka’ba seven times in an anti-clockwise direction, performs some sala, and runs (like Hagar) between the nearby hills of Safa and Marwa. This ritual is known as umra, and can be performed at any point during the year. During one particular month of the year, called the month of the Hajj, visitors perform not only rituals that make up the umra but also a further series of rituals, performed over several days at various places within about fifteen miles of the Ka’ba. The hajj culminates in the sacrifice of a small animal such as a sheep, a sacrifice that is observed by Muslims throughout the world, known as Eid al-adha, “the festival of sacrifice.” The Eid al-adha is one of two major annual festivals, the other marking the end of Ramadan.

Beyond these major rituals, there are also many other less complex rituals, including recitation of the Quran and visiting the tomb of the Prophet in Medina. There are also practices of abstention: Muslims should not eat pork or consume psychoactive drugs. Almost all Muslims agree that alcohol is prohibited; the status of other substances that were not known at the time of the Prophet, such as caffeine, nicotine, and cannabis, is disputed. Unmarried persons of different sexes should avoid contact with each other, and women should dress modestly, as should men, though requirements for male dress are less onerous.

In addition, Muslims also observe the Sharia in other areas. The Sharia determines the details of rituals and religious practices such as those already discussed, but also covers numerous other areas, including family law, criminal law, and commercial law (Hallaq 2004). In family law, the Sharia covers marriage, the rights and duties of spouses, divorce, and inheritance. In criminal law, it covers offenses (for example, theft) and sometimes also punishment. In commercial law, it covers both permitted transactions (how to make a contract) and prohibited transactions (certain types of contracts, notably those involving interest). Following the Sharia is a religious obligation: it is wrong to neglect one’s spouse, steal, or cheat one’s business partner. But the Sharia is also used to resolve disputes and practical problems: how much time must pass before a vanished spouse may be assumed to have died? Is it theft if one takes someone else’s bag by mistake? What happens if a horse that has been sold dies before its new owner can take possession of it?

There is general agreement in principle on the importance of following the Sharia, but there is not always agreement on precisely what the Sharia says on any particular issue. The big points are normally clear, that a Muslim should give in charity, for example. Many details, however, are not clear, and have been discussed and disputed among the ulama for centuries. Although ordinary Muslims do not normally join in these discussions, which can become very technical, not everyone always agrees with the conclusions reached by the ulama, and different individuals often have somewhat different understandings of what the Sharia says on a particular topic.

The Sharia is not the only law followed by Muslims. Muslims also follow regulations made by states and institutions, and sometimes also local or tribal custom, covering anything from prices and wages to maintaining roads and training apprentices. Since the early nineteenth century, the balance between Sharia and statute law has shifted dramatically, to the extent that in most Muslim countries statute law has entirely replaced Sharia for all purposes save family law, where statute law often still reflects Sharia norms. Some countries also follow Sharia norms in other areas of the law, and only a very few countries maintain a purely Sharia system. For most Muslims, then, Sharia is now a matter of individual conscience.

In addition to the rituals and practices followed by all Muslims, additional ascetic and meditative practices are followed by Sufis. Sufis have their own WRSP entry.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

All Muslims agree that the original leader of the Muslim community was the Prophet Muhammad. Views differ, however, as to the proper leadership after the death of the Prophet in 632, and different denominations have come into being around these different views. Differences in understanding of the Sharia and of theology have then became associated with these different denominations. Denominations within Islam differ as much as the Christian churches do.

The most important division is between Sunni and Shi’i Muslims, a division comparable to that between Catholic and Orthodox Christians. Sunni Muslims, who are the majority, identify with the sunna, the practices taught by the Prophet. Shi’i Muslims, who are the minority globally but are the majority in certain areas, also identify with the sunna but further identify with Ali ibn Abi Talib, the husband of Muhammad’s daughter Fatima, and his shi’a (followers), from whom their name derives. In addition, there are a number of groups that are neither Sunni nor Shi’i, but originate within Islam. Ancient groups include the Ibadis, the Druze and the Alevis, while groups of more recent origin include the Ahmadiyya, the Baha’i Faith, the Moorish Science Temple of America, and the Nation of Islam. The extent to which these now regard themselves as Islamic varies. Some may be described as denominations of Islam, while some have become distinct religions.

These different denominations of Islam have no common leadership other than the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, an inter- governmental body founded in 1969 that has had little political impact and even less religious impact. Sunni and Shi’i Islam, however, have in common the institution of the ulama. The ulama [image at right] are full-time religious specialists who, for more than a millennium, dominated preaching, education, and the judiciary, forming a powerful and important class. The construction of modern states has taken away many of these functions, and secular intellectuals have recently been important in the development of Islamic belief, but the ulama still remain the collective leadership and the central institution of both Sunni and Shi’i Islam. In some ways they resemble priests, but they are not priests, as there are no ritual practices that are reserved for them. All Muslims are equally capable of carrying out all ritual functions. A trained preacher is preferable to an untrained preacher, but in principle any Muslim can preach a sermon and lead the prayer.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Islam is still dealing with some of the implications of the ideas of the Enlightenment and the discoveries of natural science, discussed above. There are also social issues, though these are less disputed among Muslims than among Christians in the West. There are, however, disagreements over certain gender practices. Some Muslim countries, for example, have made it easier for a wife to initiate divorce proceedings against her husband, a reform that is not universally welcomed.

Differences between Muslim and international (non-Muslim) norms are also sometimes an issue. Islam, for example, forbids interest, which is central to the global financial system. To some extent, this conflict has been resolved by the creation of the Islamic finance industry, consisting of Islamic banks and Islamic divisions of the major international banks that structure standard financial transactions in ways that comply with the Sharia. Islamic forms of standard international industries have also been developed in other areas: there is an Islamic food industry, Islamic tourism, Islamic media, and so on.

In addition, there are a number of essentially political issues. One of these is the issue of sectarianism. Ever since the battle of Siffin in 657, Sunni and Shi’i Muslims have periodically confronted each other. Political conflicts between Muslims empires and states have sometimes followed sectarian lines, as for example during the fierce struggle between the Sunni Ottoman Empire and the Shi’i Safavid Empire between 1514 and 1639 or during the Iran-Iraq War of 1980-1988, which was fought over territory that had once been disputed between Ottomans and Safavids. Sunni and Shi’i states have also lived at peace with each other over long periods, however. Similarly, civil wars have sometimes been fought along sectarian lines, for example in Lebanon 1975-1990 and in Iraq after the destruction of Saddam’s (Sunni-dominated) state in 2003. Again, Sunni and Shi’i populations have also often lived peacefully together. The issue of sectarianism within Islam is an instance of the difficult relationship between religion, identity, politics, and conflict that is also found elsewhere.

A further issue confronting the Muslim world is relations with the West. For many centuries, Muslim and Christian states competed for global dominance, though some individual states also broke ranks and formed alliances across religious lines. Until the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Muslim states seemed to be leading, in terms of scientific and cultural achievements as well as geopolitical power. The tide then turned, however, and by the nineteenth century it was clear that the Christian states had overtaken the Muslim states. By 1920, most of the Muslim world was under European colonial control [image at right]. This is one reason why liberal theology remained a minority position: liberal positions seemed uncomfortably close to European positions. Since the 1950s and 1960s, decolonization has restored the political independence of the Muslim world, but many Muslims still feel that the so-called “international community” is against them. This is one cause of the anti-Western positions taken by certain Muslim states and non-state groups. There are also Muslim states and non-state groups that are pro-Western, and individual Muslims may actually be Westerners as well as pro-Western. For example, many Muslims are loyal American citizens. In general, however, relations with the West remain a major issue, extending beyond politics to questions of identity and cultural authenticity.

A related issue is terrorism, which has played a prominent role in recent sectarian conflict and also in recent conflict between Muslim groups and the West. As both a strategy and a tactic, terrorism originates outside Islam (in the nineteenth-century West), but the tactic of “suicide bombing” has become particularly associated with Islamic groups and with the Islamic concept of martyrdom. Opinion is divided. In general, Muslims are happier to condemn the actions and the theology of groups with which they have no political sympathy than to condemn groups with whose objectives they sympathize.

IMAGES

Image #1: The Ka’ba. Photo by Adli Wahid on Unsplash.
Image #2: Dome over the tomb of the Prophet Muhammad in Medina. Photo by Abdul Hafeez Bakhsh. CC BY-SA 3.0.
Image #3: Muslims as percent of total population by nation based on data from Pew Research Center (2012). Map by M. Tracy Hunter. CC BY-SA 3.0.
Image #4: The Quran. Hoto by Fauzan My on Pixabay.
Image #5. Man praying sala. Photo by Muhammad Abdullah Al Akib on Pexels.
Image #6. Two men in ihram. Photo by Al Jazeera English. CC BY-SA 2.0.
Image #7. A member of the ulama, Ali Gomaa, in 2004. Photo by Lucia Luna.
Image #8. Emperor Napoleon III frees the Emir Abdelkader. Painting by Jean-Baptiste-Ange Tissier, 1861.

REFERENCES

Clarence-Smith, W. G. 2006. Islam and the Abolition of Slavery. New York: Oxford University Press.

GhaneaBassiri, Kambiz. 2010. A History of Islam in America: From the New World to the New World Order. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Haddad, Yvonne Yazbeck, and John L. Esposito, eds. 1998. Islam, Gender, and Social Change. New York: Oxford University Press.

Hallaq, Wael B. 2004. The Origins and Evolution of Islamic Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Hourani, Albert. 1962. Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Hoyland, Robert G. 2014. In God’s Path. The Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire. New York: Oxford University Press.

Lipka, Michael. 2017. “Muslims and Islam: Key findings in the U.S. and around the world.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center. Accessed from https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/08/09/muslims-and-islam-key-findings-in-the-u-s-and-around-the-world/ on 8 June 2019.

Marenbon, John. 1998. “Introduction,” Pp. 1-9 in Routledge History of World Philosophies: Medieval Philosophy, edited by John Marenbon. London: Routledge.

Peters, Francis E. 1994a. The Hajj: The Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca and the Holy Places. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Riexinger, Martin. 2011. “Islamic Opposition to the Darwinian Theory of Evolution.” Pp. 484-509 in Handbook of Religion and the Authority of Science, edited by James Lewis and Olav Hammer. Leiden: Brill.

Safi, Omid, ed. 2003 Progressive Muslims: On Justice, Gender and Pluralism. Oxford: Oneworld.

Sedgwick, Mark. 2006. Islam & Muslims: A Guide to Diverse Experience in a Modern World. Boston: Nicholas Brealey.

SUPPLEMENTARY RESOURCES

Cook, Michael. 1983. Muhammad. New York: Oxford University Press.

Encyclopaedia of Islam, The. Second and third editions. Leiden: Brill. Accessed from https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/browse/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2 and https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/browse/encyclopaedia-of-islam-3 on 8 June 2019.

Hodgson, Marshall G. S. 1974. The Venture of Islam. 3 Volumes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Hourani, Albert. 1991. A History of the Arab Peoples. Boston: Harvard University Press.

Peters, Francis E. 1994b. Muhammad and the Origins of Islam. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Quran, The. Accessed from http://www.quranexplorer.com on 8 June 2019.

Publication Date:
8 June 2019

 

 

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Mark Sedgwick

Mark Sedgwick is professor of Arab and Islamic Studies at Aarhus University. He is a historian by training, and previously taught for twenty years at the American University in Cairo. His work focuses on modern and transregional Islam and especially on Sufism and on Traditionalism. He has also worked on Islamic modernism and on terrorism.

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Apostolic United Brethren

APOSTOLIC UNITED BRETHREN TIMELINE

1843:  Joseph Smith announced his revelation on plural marriage.

1862:  The U.S. Congress passed the Morrill Anti-Bigamy Act.

1882:  The U.S. Congress passed the Edmunds Anti-Polygamy Act.

1886:  John Taylor received a revelation about the continuation of plural marriage.

1887:  The U.S. Congress passed the Edmunds-Tucker Act.

1890 (October 6):  Wilfred Woodruff announced a Manifesto forbidding plural marriage.

1904-1907:  Hearings were held in the U.S. Senate on the seating of Reed Smoot as Senator from Utah.

1904 (April 6):  A second Manifesto was issued by Joseph F. Smith that threatened excommunication for LDS members who engaged in plural marriage.

1910:  The LDS Church began a policy of excommunication for new plural marriages.

1929-1933:  Lorin C. Woolley created the “Council of Friends.”

1935 (September 18):  Lorin C. Woolley died, and Joseph Leslie Broadbent became head of the Priesthood Council.

1935:  Broadbent died, and John Y. Barlow became head of the Priesthood Council.

1935:  The Utah legislature elevated the crime of unlawful cohabitation from a misdemeanor to a felony.

1941:  Leroy S. Johnson and Marion Hammon were ordained to the Priesthood Council by John Y. Barlow.

1941:  Alma “Dayer” LeBaron established Colonia LeBaron in Mexico, as a refuge for those who wanted to practice plural marriage

1942:  The United Effort Plan Trust was established.

1944 (March 7-8):  The Boyden polygamy raid was conducted.

1949:  Joseph Musser had a stroke and called his physician, Rulon C. Allred, to be his second elder.

1952:  The Priesthood Council split into two groups: the FLDS (Leroy S. Johnson) and the Apostolic United Brethren (Rulon Allred).

1953 (July 26):  The raid on the polygamist community at Short Creek was conducted.

1951-1952:  With Joseph Musser’s death, Rulon Allred became the head of the Priesthood Council.

1960:  Rulon Allred bought the 640 acres in Pinesdale, Montana as a polygamist haven.

1977:  Rulon Allred was killed by a female assassin sent by Ervil LeBaron; Owen Allred took the helm.

2005:  Owen Allred died at the age of ninety-one, after appointing Lamoine Jensen to be his successor.

2014 (September):  Lamoine Jensen died of colon cancer.

2015:  Lamoine Jensen’s death led to  a major split in the group, with some following Lynn Thompson and others following Morris and Marvin Jessop. The Montana order became known as the “Second Ward.”

2021 (October 5):  Lynn Thompson died; David Watson became the prophet.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Although many mainstream Mormons seek to distance themselves from the practice, polygamy first arose in the Mormon context in 1831 when Jo­seph Smith Jr., [Image at right] founder of the Mormon Church, also known as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, claimed to have a revelation that it was his duty to restore plural marriage to the earth. Smith, who married at least thirty-three women and had children with thirteen of them, claimed that he had been given the authority to practice “celestial marriage” from the same source that commanded Abraham to take his handmaid, Hagar, to bed in order to produce a righteous seed and glorious progeny. Smith, like others of his era in western New York, was caught up in the “American dream of per­petual social progress, believing in a unique theology made up of an eternal monopoly of resources (including women) by males and whole congeries of gods” (Young 1954:29). Smith described a vision he had of God and Christ together in a grove of trees in which Christ told him that he would be instru­mental in restoring the true gospel.

Although Smith disclosed the Principle of Plural Marriage in 1843, it was practiced for several years after that in secret in Nauvoo, Illinois. In 1852, Brigham Young, leader of the Mormon Church), revealed the practice of plural marriage as a Mormon doctrine. When Mormons received the revelation regarding polygamy, its supporters argued that while monogamy was associated with societal ills such as infidelity and prostitution, polygamy could meet the need for sexual outlets outside marriage for men outside marriage in a more benign way (Gordon 2001). Young, hesitant at first, eventually overcame his timidity and married fifty-five wives. He had fifty-seven children by nineteen of the wives he slept with. In its heyday in Utah territory, however, polygamy was practiced by only about fifteen percent to twenty percent of LDS adults, mostly among the leadership (Quinn 1993). Although plural marriage was practiced openly in the Utah Territory, it wasn’t until 1876 that it became an official religious tenet that was included in the Doctrine and Covenants.

Politicians in Washington did not welcome this innovation. In 1856, the platform of the newly founded Republican Party committed the party to prohibit the “twin relics of barbarism”; polygamy and slavery. In 1862, the federal government outlawed polygamy in the territories through passage of the Morrill Anti-Bigamy Act. Mormons, who were the majority residents of the Utah territory, ignored the act.

However, prosecutions for polygamy proved difficult because evidence of unregistered plural marriages was scarce. However, in 1887, the Edmunds-Tucker Act made polygamy a felony offense and permitted prosecution based on mere cohabitation. The spouses did not need not to have  gone through any ceremony to be accused of Polygamy without purporting to create a legal marriage. Scores of polygamists, including my own ancestors, Angus Cannon and his brother George Q. Cannon, were each sentenced to six months of in prison in 1889. The final blow to the viability of nineteenth century Mormon polygamy came that same year when Congress dissolved the corporation of the Mormon Church and confiscated most of its property. Within two years, the government also denied the church’s right to be a protected religious body. This policy of removal of church resources meant that polygamous families with limited funding had to abandon these extra wives who had been deemed illegal under the Edmunds Act. This abandonment created a large group of single and impoverished polygamous women who were no longer tied to their husbands religiously or economically. As a result of the pressures brought on by the Edmunds-Tucker Act, the LDS church renounced the practice of polygamy in 1890 with church president Wilford Woodruff’s manifesto. Utah was admitted into the Union in 1896. As a result of anti-polygamy legisla­tion, many advocates of plural marriage began an exodus to Mexico in 1885 to avoid prosecution. There, they created a small handful of colonies, three of which are still intact today.

Interestingly, many members of the LDS Church, including my own Can­non and Bennion ancestors and President Woodruff himself (Kraut 1989), continued to obtain wives long after the 1890 manifesto prohibited it. In 1904, to address the continued practice of contracting plural marriage, Joseph F. Smith issued a manifesto that was designed to eradicate polygamy once and for all. Fundamentalist Mormons believe that both manifestos were used to manipulate the holy covenants for political gain (Willie Jessop, quoted in An­derson 2010:40); they believe that God had secretly transferred the power to continue polygamy to John Taylor (third prophet of the church) through a rev­elation in 1886. This revelation was the defining narrative for fundamentalists and led to their separation from the mainstream church (Driggs 2005). Taylor claimed that while he was hiding in John Woolley’s home in Centerville, Utah, he spent a whole night with Joseph Smith, who commanded him to continue the practice of polygamy. John Woolley’s son, Lorin, a bodyguard to the prophet, was present during a clandestine meeting on September 27 in the Woolley household. At this meeting John Taylor ordained George Q. Can­non, John W. Woolley, Samuel Bateman, Charles Wilkins, and Lorin Woolley as “sub rosa” priests and gave them the authority to perform plural marriages. John Woolley was first given the keys to the patriarchal order, or priesthood keys. He subsequently passed them to Lorin, [Image at right] who was later excommunicated by the LDS Church for “pernicious falsehood.”

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the legal status of polygamy in Utah was still not clear. In 1904, the US Senate held a series of hearings after LDS apostle Reed Smoot was elected as a senator from Utah. The controversy centered on whether or not the LDS church secretly supported plural marriage. In 1905, the LDS church issued a second manifesto that confirmed the church’s renunciation of the practice, which helped Smoot keep his senate seat. Yet the hearings continued until 1907, the Senate majority still interested in punishing Smoot for his association with the Mormon church. By 1910, Mormon leadership began excommunicating those who formed new polygamous alliances, targeting underground plural movements. From 1929 to 1933, Mormon fundamentalist leadership refused to stop practicing polygamy and was subject to arrest and disenfranchisement. In 1935, the Utah legislature elevated the crime of unlawful cohabitation from a misdemeanor to a felony. That same year, Utah and Arizona law enforcement raided the polygamous settlement at Short Creek after allegations of polygamy and sex trafficking.

From 1928 to 1934, Lorin C. Woolley led a group called the Council of Seven, also known as the Council of Friends. This group was comprised of Lorin Woolley, John Y. Barlow, Leslie Broadbent, Charles Zitting, Joseph Musser, LeGrand Woolley, and Louis Kelsch. Woolley claimed that the coun­cil was the true priesthood authority on earth and had previously existed, in secret, in Nauvoo, Illinois. This underground movement reinforced some of the early doctrines of Brigham Young such as communalism, the Adam-God belief, and plural marriage. Leaders of the movement claimed that the LDS Church had lost its authority to gain direct revelation from God when it discontinued the holy principle of plural marriage during the Woodruff presidency.

Although the Council of Friends started in Salt Lake, it moved its order to the town of Short Creek on the Utah-Arizona border in order to avoid prosecution. Short Creek set the stage for the first attempt to create a United Order or Effort, to help organize properties and manage lands. The location, surrounded by majestic red rock buttes and tiny fertile creek beds, was con­secrated by Brigham Young, who said it would be the “head not the tail” of the Church. For a decade it was the gathering place for many members of the LDS Church who wanted to keep polygamy alive. The members of the Council of Friends were generally in agreement about how to run the under­ground priesthood movement, and the population of adherents to Mormon fundamentalism began to grow, mostly through natural increase and the im­migration of disgruntled members of the Mormon Church who wanted to live the “old ways.” In 1935, the LDS Church asked Short Creek members to support the presidency of the church and sign an oath denouncing plural marriage. This request was not well received with twenty-one members, who refused to sign and were subsequently excommunicated. Several members were jailed for bigamy.

Coinciding with the organization of Short Creek was the development of a fundamentalist movement in Colonia Juarez in northern Mexico. Ben­jamin Johnson, a member of the Council of Fifty (a new world government orchestrated in Brigham Young’s time), claimed to have obtained the priest­hood keys from Young. He, in turn, gave them to his great-nephew, Alma “Dayer” LeBaron. Dayer later established Colonia LeBaron, located eighty miles southeast of Colonia Juarez in Galeana, as a refuge for those who wanted to practice plural marriage.

Meanwhile, back in Short Creek, the council leader­ship shifted from Lorin C. Woolley, who died in 1934, to J. Leslie Broadbent, who led until his death in 1935. John Y. Barlow then took over as prophet from 1935 to 1949, after which Joseph Musser controlled the priesthood council. Musser and L. Broadbent wrote the Supplement to the New and Everlasting Covenant of Marriage (1934), which established three degrees of priesthood leadership: 1) the true priesthood made up of high priests, anciently known as the Sanhedrin, or power of God on earth; 2) the Kingdom of God, the channel through which the power and authority of God functions in manag­ing the earth and “inhabitants thereof in things political;” and 3) the Church of Jesus Christ (the LDS Church), which has only ecclesiastical jurisdiction over its members. The first category, according to Musser, was comprised of the fundamentalist key holders, himself and other members of the council. The second category referred to the large body of general members, who were in service to the key holders. The third referred to the mainstream orthodox church, which no longer had direct authority to do God’s work but still pro­vided a valuable stepping-stone to the next top levels.

In 1944, during Barlow’s leadership, the U.S. government raided Short Creek and the Salt Lake City polygamists, putting fifteen men and nine women in the Utah State Prison. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the legal status of polygamy in Utah was still not clear.

On July 26, 1953, another raid swept over Short Creek. After this raid, thirty-one men and nine women were arrested and 263 children were taken from their homes and put into state custody. Of the 236 children, 150 were not allowed to return to their parents for more than two years.

Other parents never regained custody of their children.  Prior to the raid, the Short Creek priesthood council had begun to split apart, fulfilling a prophecy by John Woolley many years before that “a generation yet unborn, along with some of the men who are living here now, are going to establish groups . . . [and] . . . would contend among each other, that they would divide, that they would subdivide and they would be in great conten­tion” (quoted in Kraut 1989:22).

After Joseph Musser had a stroke in 1949, he called his physician, Rulon C. Allred, [Image at right] to be his second elder. In 1951, Musser recovered enough to join Richard Jessop in voting Rulon in as patriarch of the priesthood council. Musser’s decision was vetoed by most of the council, who were absent during the appointment of Rulon, inspiring contentions and different interpretations over who would be the “one mighty and strong.” This bickering split the original movement. Rulon Allred led one faction and Louis Kelsch headed the other. Leroy S. Johnson and Charles Zitting, who were loyal to Kelsch, remained in Short Creek, where they created the official Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, while Musser, Jessop, and Allred began work to start a new movement, which eventually became known as the Apostolic United Brethren. This latter group created a new council in 1952 made up of E. Jenson, John Butchereit, Lyman Jessop, Owen Allred, Marvin Allred, and Joseph Thompson. Although this split led to major changes in the expression of Mormon fundamentalism, all contem­porary groups whose origins lie in the original Short Creek movement share common threads of kinship, marriage, and core beliefs.

DOCTRINE/BELIEFS

Mormon fundamentalists are those who subscribe to a brand of Latter-day Saint theology founded by Joseph Smith that includes polygamy, traditional gender roles, and religious communalism. About seventy-five percent of these polygamists come from the three largest movements: the Apostolic United Brethren (AUB or Allred Group), the Fundamentalist Latter-day Saints (FLDS), and the Kingston Clan. The remainder come from the small LeBaron community in Mexico and unaffiliated polygamists spread throughout the western United States who are known as “independents.” These schismatic sects and individuals are dedicated to an Abrahamic kingdom-building paradigm that leads to the ultimate goal of entering the celestial presence of Elohim, the Father.

To summarize the differences of AUB fundamentalists from the mainstream church, polygamist Ogden Kraut (1983) lists several key issues: the practice of polygamy, the practice of missionary work, beliefs about the priesthood, the adoption of the United Order, belief in the concept of the gathering of Israel, belief in the Adam-God theory, adoption of the concept of the “one mighty and strong,” development of the concept of Zion, beliefs about blacks and the priesthood, and belief about the kingdom of God. The Adam-God doctrine is a theological idea taught by Brigham Young that Adam was from another planet and came to earth as Michael, the angel. He then became a mortal man, Adam, establishing the human race with his second wife, Eve. After his ascent to heaven, he served as God, the Heavenly Father of humankind.

Fundamentalists also differ in their association of the “fulness of times” with plural marriage and their belief that one must acquire wives through the Law of Sarah to attain the highest glories of the Celestial Kingdom.6 They also believe that the gospel is unchanging; accordingly, if God told Joseph Smith to practice polygamy, it should be practiced today and always. In other words, truth is a knowledge of “things as they are, and as they were, and as they are to come” (Doctrine and Covenants 93:24). Smith also stated that if “any man preach any other gospel than that which I have preached, he shall be cursed” (Smith 1838:327) and that God “set the ordinances to be the same forever and ever” (Smith 1838:168).

Endowment rites, fundamentalists feel, should therefore not be altered, as they were in 1927, when LDS apostle Stephen Richards renounced the Adam-God doctrine and removed its associated symbols from the priesthood garment (Richards 1932), and in the 1990s, when LDS prophet Ezra T. Ben­son reformed the ceremony to allow women to have a direct pathway to God rather than having to go through their husbands or fathers. The latter change also removed the punishment symbols and gestures used to illustrate what might befall one if the sacred rites were divulged, not unlike those used by the Masons. The LDS Church also altered the rite that brings Saints into God’s presence and shortened and modernized the holy garment. Fundamen­talists believe that the rites and symbols that were lost should be reinstated and that women must go through their Saviors on Mt. Zion in their pathway to God. They also maintain that the exact words in sacred ceremony, the ones used in Joseph Smith’s day when priesthood blessings were conferred, should be used in the modern day, spoken in nineteenth-century verse.

Many members of the AUB also reject the 1978 revelation given to President Kimball that allowed blacks to enter the priesthood (Doctrine and Covenants, Decla­ration 2). They believe that God told Joseph Smith that “negroids” are marked by the blood of Cain and would defile the priesthood and the temples. The FLDS removed a Polynesian from their midst, stating that he was too dark, and they frown on interracial marriages of any kind. Brigham Young sanctioned such beliefs when he wrote that that blacks “are low in their habits, wild and seemingly deprived of nearly all the blessings of the intelligence that is generally bestowed upon mankind” (Young 1867:290). The AUB and LeBarons are also against blacks but allow mixed alliances with both Hispanics and Polynesians. Nevertheless, the AUB removed Richard Kunz (an individual who is phenotypic white and genotypic black) from his position on the priesthood council.

Another difference between the LDS Church and the AUB is that they believe that God’s law is intended to surpass man’s laws. Although welfare fraud, bigamy, the collection of illegal armaments, or certain types of home schooling may be against the civil law, they are means of following the higher mandate of providing for large numbers of children (Hales 2006). It should be noted that some polygamist communities, such as Pinesdale, Montana, work very closely with law enforcement and are law abiding. They register any sex offenders and excommunicate any criminals.

The AUB also feels that missionary work should be conducted as Joseph Smith commanded it, without “purse or scrip,” meaning without fi­nancial support. They also disagree with the mainstream church’s identifica­tion of Independence, Missouri, as the “one place” for the gathering of Zion. This location is also known as Adam-ondi-Ahman, or the former Garden of Eden. Most fundamentalists feel that Zion is located in the Rocky Moun­tains, where the Savior will one day return.

Mormon fundamentalists, like mainstream LDS, are asked by God to con­sider themselves as Adam or Eve, a concept embedded in the endowment ceremony. They all serve a probationary period on earth until they may return to the presence of the Father. During this probation they must, like Adam, pursue “further light and knowledge” and seek messengers who can guide them in receiving the keys that can unlock the power of the priesthood and remove the veil that borders earthly life and the Celestial Kingdom.

For the apocalyptic fundamentalists, portents and signs abound and ev­ery symbol and text has sublime meaning. Many of these signs direct the millenarianist to go above and beyond orthodoxy and to strive to be among the truly blessed who live in the society of the Gods (Michael also known as Adam, Jesus, and Joseph) and embrace the “mysteries of the kingdom” (Doctrine and Covenants 63:23; 76:1–7). But not all can understand the mysteries; the truly righteous must have the “eyes to see and ears to hear” the truth about the fulness of the gospel. Many fundamentalists see their modern prophet (Jeffs, Allred, Kingston, and so on) as the source of divine revelation, but independents often claim that they themselves hold the “sacred secret” of direct man-to-God revelation (Doctrine and Covenants Commentary 1972:141). That is the lure of fundamentalism, that you can be your own prophet, seer, and king.

The “mysteries” include divine steps to test the validity of revelations and true prophets. One involves making the calling and election sure (Young 1867) so that the Chosen will have the right to converse with the dead beyond the veil and gain personal revelations from God. Another step is to humble yourself in the true order of prayer, a method that was used by Adam; those who follow this practice wear temple garments, kneel, and pray with upraised hands of praise and supplication, crying, “Oh God, hear the words of my mouth.” Just as Joseph Smith was given the divine ordinances and doctrines, so too can any man who seeks with the appropriate priesthood authority, who honors the covenants, and who hungers and thirsts for the knowledge. Saints who devote themselves to righteousness and receive higher ordinances of exaltation become members of the “church of the firstborn,” an inner circle of faithful saints who practice the fulness and who will be joint heirs with Christ in receiving all that the Father has (McConkie 1991:139–40). They will be sealed by “the holy spirit of promise,” will become kings and Gods in the making, and will take part in the first resurrection. This will enable them to live on Mt. Zion with God in the company of angels in the Celestial Kingdom (Doctrine and Covenants 76:50–70). Members of the firstborn may be asked to break the law of the land for the higher law, perhaps even commit murder, as Book of Mormon prophet Nephi was commanded to kill the evil one, Laban. It is through this process that “just men will be made perfect” and be given the gifts of kingdoms and principalities in new worlds beyond the limits of their imaginations.

Besides the “mysteries,” the most valued fundamentalist principles that were abandoned by the LDS Church are polygamy, the Adam-God doctrine, and the Law of Consecration. When these principles are intact, the order of heaven correlates four different gospel-oriented elements in a workable system: social, political, spiritual, and economic. The social element of the heavenly order is polygamy, the political element is the kingdom of God or the government of God, the spiritual element is the priesthood as the conduit for revelation, and the economic element is the United Order.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

The Apostolic United Brethren (AUB) have approximately 8,000 members throughout the world. Their official headquarters is in Bluffdale, Utah, where they have a chapel/cultural hall, an endowment house, a school, archives, and a sports field. Most of members live in medium-sized split-level homes and work in construction. The more successful own huge compounds in Eagle Mountain and Rocky Ridge accommodating four to five wives and twenty-five children. The church operates at least three private schools, but many families homeschool or send their children to public or public charter schools, blending with the mainstream. Other branches include Cedar City, Lehi, and Granite, Utah; Pinesdale, Montana; Lovell, Wyoming; Mesa, Arizona; Humansville, Missouri; and Ozumba, Mexico, where it has a temple with around 700 followers. More AUB members live in Germany, the Netherlands, and England.

As mentioned, Dr. Rulon C. Allred, a naturopath, became prophet in 1954, adopting polygamy while maintaining strong ties to the LDS Church, even though he was excommunicated. He did not see the fundamentalist effort as being above the church but parallel to it, feeling that not everyone could (or should) participate in polygamy.

By 1959, the AUB had grown to 1,000 members with the help of Joseph Lyman Jessop, Joseph Thompson, and other converts, who met covertly in the Bluffdale home of Owen Allred, Rulon’s brother. In 1960, Rulon Allred bought the 640 acres in Pinesdale, Montana for $42,500, and by 1973 more than 400 fundamentalists called it home. When I was there, from 1989 to 1993, there was a school/church complex, a library, a cattle operation, a machine shop, and the vestiges of a dairy operation. I counted approximately 60-70 married men (patriarchs) with around 140-150 wives (around 2.8 each, on average) and 720 children. The Jessops (Marvin and Morris) and their eldest sons were the leaders of Pinesdale, along with less powerful members of the priesthood council.

The AUB boasted of more converts than any other group. People were drawn to the promise of homesteading and kingdom building in a group with few restrictions. Plural ceremonies were performed by the priesthood council in homes, in the endowment house, in the church building, or even on a hillside or meadow. By 1970, the number of AUB members was close to 2,500 expanding to southern Utah and along the Wasatch Front.

Rulon Allred’s priesthood council included Rulon, Owen Allred, George Scott, Ormand Lavery, Marvin Jessop and his brother Morris Jessop, Lamoine Jensen, George Maycock, John Ray, and Bill Baird. Over the years, Rulon replaced members who died, who were excommunicated (as in the case of John Ray), or who apostatized. Rulon kept his two brothers, Owen and Marvin, close at hand, bestowing upon them favorable stewardships and granting them permission to marry several wives each. The AUB use LDS Church material in their sermons and for Sunday school lessons. Many of the offices and callings are the same. The AUB’s members also tend to integrate with surrounding Mormon communities, largely due to Owen Allred’s desire to work with local law enforcement officials and end the practice of arranged marriages with underage girls. Allred [Image at right] believed that transparency was an important factor in his efforts to show the non-Mormon community that the AUB and its members were not a threat.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

In 1977, Rulon was killed by a female assassin sent by Ervil LeBaron and his brother Owen took the helm. Owen led the group for twenty-eight years, a period when the AUB expanded its membership and entered into a time of collaboration with the press, academia, and the Utah attorney general’s office.

Accusations of child sexual abuse were made against three Allred councilmen over the space of two decades, 1975-1995: John Ray, Lynn Thompson, and Chevral Palacios. Yet, the rates of abuse are no greater than what you would expect to find in the mainstream monogamist communities of the United States. Members who perpetrate abuse are excommunicated, and victims are encouraged to report the incidents to the police. In addition, I suggest that the AUB is more progressive and law-abiding than other groups. Its members pay their taxes, seem to dress like everyone else for the most part, send their children to public school, and even have a Boy Scout troop. There are some flies in the AUB ointment, such as the ex-Allredite man who recently was arrested for raping twin sisters in Humansville, Missouri. There is also evidence of money laundering and some welfare fraud. According to one former member, attorney John Llewellyn, plural wives are sent into nearby Hamilton to apply for welfare as single mothers, and they take this money directly to the priesthood Brethren. In my own research in 1993, I heard of welfare misuse in twenty-five percent of my sample of fifteen extended families. They looked on it much the same way that the FLDS wives did, as “creative financing” that was taking from the federal government, a corrupt entity.

In 2004, the priesthood leadership was comprised of Owen Allred, Lamoine Jensen, Ron Allred, Dave Watson, Lynn Thompson, Shem Jessop, Harry Bonell, Sam Allred, Marvin Jessop, and Morris Jessop. In 2005, Owen Allred died at the age of ninety-one, after appointing Lamoine Jensen to be his successor, passing up more senior council members. In 2015, Lamoine died of intestinal cancer, which caused a major split in the group with some following Lynn Thompson and the others following Morris and Marvin Jessop.

Since 2016, a number of prominent AUB members in Pinesdale, MT separated themselves from the leadership of Lynn Thompson and formed their own group with their own meetings, calling themselves the “Second Ward.” Such dissenters include two from the AUB Priesthood Council, two Melchizedek Priesthood leaders, two bishops, the president of the all-female Relief Society, the Sunday school president, the elders quorum president, and the Seventies quorum president. Central to this schism between the Salt Lake AUB and the Pinesdale, Montana community was the accusations of sexual misconduct by Lynn Thompson against one of his daughters, Rosemary Williams, and shortly thereafter by two of his nieces. Thompson was also accused of embezzling tithing funds (Carlisle 2017). When Lynn Thompson died in 2021, he was replaced by David Watson (Carlisle 2017).

The year before Thompson’s death, the Utah legislature passed a bill to decriminalize polygamy in Utah. Those who favored the passage of the bill argued that the criminal status of polygamy directly contributed to a culture of distrust and isolation, and subsequently abuse. Decriminalization would serve to bring such abuses into the light for prosecution (Bennion and Joffe 2016). This law did not impact the Thompson case as his daughter declined to bring formal charges.

IMAGES

Image #1: Jo­seph Smith Jr.
Image #2: Lorin Woolley.
Image #3: Rulon Allred.
Image #4: Owen Allred.

REFERENCES

Anderson, Scott. 2010. “The Polygamists.” National Geographic, February: 34–61.

Bennion, Janet and Joffe, Lisa F. 2016. “Introduction.” Pp. 3-22 in The Polygamy Question. Boulder: University of Colorado Press.

Carlisle, Nate. 2017. “Sex abuse allegations have rocked the polygamous church of ‘Sister Wives,’ causing rift from Utah to Montana.Salt Lake Tribune, October 21.

Driggs, Ken. 2005. “Imprisonment, Defiance, and Division: A History of Mormon Fundamentalism in the 1940s and 1950s.” Dialogue 38:65–95.

Driggs, Ken. 2001. “‘This Will Someday be the Head and Not the Tail of the Church’: A History of the Mormon Fundamentalists at Short Creek.” Journal of Church and State 43:49–80.

Gordon, Sarah. 2001. The Mormon Question: Polygamy and Constitutional Conflict in Nineteenth Century America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Hales, Brian. 2006. Modern Polygamy and Mormon Fundamentalism: The Generations After the Manifesto. Salt Lake City: Greg Kofford Books.

Kraut, Ogden. 1989. The Fundamentalist Mormon. Salt Lake City: Pioneer Press.

McConkie, Bruce R. 1991. Mormon Doctrine. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft. [Encyclopedic work originally written in 1958; not an official publication of the LDS Church.], 139-40

Musser, Joseph, and L. Broadbent. 1934. Supplement to the New and Everlasting Covenant of Marriage. Pamphlet. Salt Lake City: Truth Publishing Company.

Quinn, D. Michael. 1993. “Plural Marriage and Mormon Fundamentalism.” Pp. 240-66 in Fundamentalisms and Society, edited by Martin Marty and R. Scott Appleby. Chicago: University of Chicago.

Richards, Stephen. 1932. Sermon delivered at April 1932 LDS general conference, also quoted in the Salt Lake Tribune, April 10, 1932.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. [1838] 2006. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Compiled and edited by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Books.

Young, Brigham.1867. Journal of Discourses 12:103; 7:290, November. Liverpool: LDS Church.

Young, Kimball. 1954. “Sex Roles in Polygamous Mormon Families.” Pp. 373-93 in Readings in Psychology, edited by Theodore Newcomb and Eugene Hartley. New York: Holt.

Publication Date:
27 May 2019

 

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Janet Bennion

Janet Bennion is a Professor of Anthropology from Northern Vermont University. She is the preeminent scholar on polygyny among Mormon Fundamentalist groups, having published extensively on female networking and the variability of poly lifestyles, including Women of Principle (University of Oxford Press, 1998) and Polygamy in Primetime (Brandeis University Press 2012). Her latest publication is collaborative and international, stemming from several international conference discussions about how to handle the poly world legally, compiled in the volume, The Polygamy Question (Utah State and Colorado Presses, 2015). Her most recent research explores polyamory networks in Paris where she is testing the efficacy of network theory.

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Johanneke Kroesbergen-Kamps

Johanneke Kroesbergen-Kamps is a Research Associate at the University of Pretoria. She has written her dissertation on narratives about Satanism in Zambia. She has lectured in Religious Studies, Anthropology of Religion and Sociology at Justo Mwale University in Lusaka, Zambia. Her research interests include African religious movements and narratives about witchcraft and Satanism, especially within neo-Pentecostal frameworks.

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Zion Christian Church

ZION CHRISTIAN CHURCH TIMELINE

1885: Engenas (Ignatius) Lekganyane, founder of the Zion Christian Church, was born.

1904:  A mass baptism in Wakkerstroom by missionaries from the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church in Zion, Illinois, took place. A Zionist church was subsequently founded.

1908:  Under influence of two American missionaries, the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) was founded. Many of the Wakkerstroom Zionists joined, but they insisted on keeping their name.

1910:  Engenas Lekganyane received his calling in a dream.

1912:  Engenas Lekganyane was baptized in the Zionist branch of the AFM.

1916:  The Zionist congregation within the AFM to which Lekganyane belonged seceded from the AFM and formed the Zion Apostolic Church (ZAC).

1916:  Engenas Lekganyane received his preaching credentials within the ZAC.

1919:  Another black congregation within the AFM broke away and became the Zion Apostolic Faith Mission (ZAFM), under leadership of Edward (Lion) Motaung.

1920:  Engenas Lekganyane joined the ZAFM with his followers from the Limpopo region.

1924-1925:  Engenas Lekganyane founded the Zion Christian Church after tensions with the ZAFM leadership.

1930:  A conflict with the local chief caused Engenas Lekganyane to find a new place to live.

1942:  With the help of church members, Engenas Lekganyane purchased a farm in Boyne, which became Zion City Moria, the headquarters of the church and site of an annual pilgrimage of ZCC members.

1948 (June 1):  Engenas Lekganyane died.

1949:  After a struggle over the leadership of the church, Engenas’ son Edward Lekganyane became the new leader. Engenas’ other son, Joseph, founded the St. Engenas Zion Christian Church.

1961:  Frederick Modise left the ZCC and founded the International Pentecostal Holiness Church.

1967 (October 21) Edward Lekganyane died. His son Barnabas Ramarumo Lekganyane was appointed leader under guardianship.

1975:  Barnabas Ramarumo Lekganyane assumed full leadership of the ZCC.

1992 (April 20):  President F.W. de Klerk, Nelson Mandela and Mangosuthu Buthelezi were present at the Easter service in Moria.

2020 (March):  The Zion Christian Church closed during the national lockdown to curb the spread of the Covid-19.

2022 (April 24):  The Zion Christian Church reopened.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

In South Africa, Christian Zionism and Pentecostalism have the same beginnings. The first quarter of the twentieth century is a time in which multiple churches were founded. These churches often have indigenous, black leaders and are founded independently from mainline mission churches, although religious ideas from overseas can bring the inspiration for church formation. The Zion Christian Church (ZCC) is South Africa’s biggest African-initiated or indigenous church.

Engenas (Ignatius) Barnabas Lekganyane, [Image at right] the future founder of the ZCC, was born around 1885 (or according to Morton (n.d. a) after 1890), in the tribal reservation of the Mamabolo, east of present-day Polokwane. This was a time of struggle, in the middle of the Anglo-Boer war, and the Mamabolo left the area, scattering in what is now Limpopo province. After 1904, the Mamabolo returned and bought farms in the area from which they came. During this time, Lekganyane attended an Anglican mission school (Morton n.d. a). Most of his family members became Anglicans. In 1909, after his schooling, he joined a Presbyterian church and started working in construction, while also training to be an evangelist. In 1910, Lekganyane heard a voice speaking to him in a dream, urging him to go and find a church which heals and baptizes in the river (Moripe 1996:18). For the ZCC, this event is the founding moment of the church (Rafapa 2013).

During the time of Engenas’ childhood, religious developments occurred in the United States that would be very influential for the development of Zionist Christianity in South Africa. In 1896, John Alexander Dowie started the Christian Catholic (Apostolic) Church (CCCZ) in Zion City, Illinois. The church believed in faith healing, baptism through threefold immersion and an imminent second coming, and Zion City was the idealistic community where the members of the church lived together according to their own rules. Dowie rejected racial boundaries, and his teachings inspired several missionaries to visit Africa (Kruger and Saayman 2014:29). The magazine of the church, The Leaves of Healing, had a worldwide subscription, and reached South Africa as well. Pieter Le Roux, a white pastor in the South African town of Wakkerstroom, was highly influenced by the church, and became a member in 1903, when he left the Dutch Reformed Church. He took most of the members of his congregation with him, and invited missionaries from the CCCZ to preach in South Africa. During this event, in 1904, more than 140 mainly black Christians (including Le Roux and his family) were baptized in the CCCZ way. This event was the start of an enduring fascination with Zion in South African religious life. It is not entirely clear how Le Roux named his congregation, which was part of the CCCZ branch in South Africa. “Zion” was definitely included in the name.

In 1908, two more missionaries with connections to the CCCZ came to South Africa. These two had left the CCCZ and received the baptism of the Holy Spirit in Azusa Street in 1906. Their mission was a success, and many white, Afrikaans-speaking South Africans were converted to their Pentecostal message. In those early days, black and white worshipers mingled easily (Sewapa 2016:20). Soon the missionaries also visited Pieter Le Roux and his congregation in Wakkerstroom. Pieter Le Roux was enthusiastic about the Pentecostal message of these missionaries, and he decided to join them in the newly founded Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM). Most of his congregation joined him, although they insisted on keeping their name, and became known as the Zionist Branch of the AFM. One of the members of the Wakkerstroom congregation was Elijah Mahlangu, who became the leader of a congregation in one of the townships in Johannesburg (Morton 2016). It seems that he used the name Zion Apostolic Church (ZAC), although the church formally was a part of the AFM.

Engenas Lekganyane came to the AFM/ZAC in 1911 or 1912 in search for a cure of a disease of his eye. According to some, his health problems were caused by a failure to follow his calling in a dream in 1910 (Moripe 1996:19). Elijah Mahlangu baptized him through threefold immersion in a flowing river, and healed his eye in the process. After this, Lekganyane returned to Limpopo to work, while also seeking his preaching credentials. Mahlangu supported Lekganyane, but he could not obtain the credentials from the white leadership of the AFM (Morton 2016). As a preacher, Lekganyane worked together with both Pieter Le Roux and Elijah Mahlangu in the AFM/ZAC. Following ever growing racial tensions within the AFM, Mahlangu and his congregation stepped out of the AFM, in 1916, and Lekganyane followed him. It seems that Lekganyane was ordained in the ZAC after the secession (Morton n.d. a).

It had become common in the ZAC to wear long white robes, such as the priests of the Old Testament would have worn. Also, male church members were encouraged to grow their beards. Within church services, shoes were not allowed. Lekganyane disagreed with these rules and came into conflict with Mahlangu. Another possible source of conflict was that some members preferred Lekganyane’s healing powers over those of other preachers. Some sources place a second vision experienced by Lekganyane around this time. Once, when praying on a mountain, God revealed himself to Lekganyane in a whirlwind that blew his hat away. Lekganyane asked God to do it again, and again his hat was blown away. This second time, the hat was upside down and filled with leaves. Lekganyane saw this as a sign that many people would follow him. In 1920, he left the ZAC with his congregation to join the Zion Apostolic Faith Mission (ZAFM) (Morton 2016). The ZAFM was founded in 1919, as the independent black branch of the AFM, with Edward Motaung (also known as Lion) as its leader. The ZAFM followed the example of Zion City in Illinois by purchasing a plot of land and founding Zion City in the village of Kolonyama in present-day Lesotho. Within the ZAFM Lekganyane became Bishop of the northern provinces, and he settled again in the area of the Mamabolo near Polokwane. In Zion City, Edward Motaung proclaimed himself “brother of Jesus” and introduced “sexual confession,” through which the women in the church were expected to sleep with him at certain times. For these sexual malpractices, Lion was officially thrown out of the AFM in 1923. It is not known what Lekganyane thought of these developments. He seems to have established a strong base of followers in Limpopo, and when disagreements between Lekganyane and the church leadership occurred, he founded the Zion Christian Church in late 1924 or early 1925. Engenas Lekganyane always kept Edward Motaung in high regard, and named one of his sons after him.

Lekganyane was a great healer, prophet, and miracle worker. He could cure diseases and problems like unemployment, is said to have foretold the defeat of Germany in WW I, and was also known as a great rainmaker. In his home region near Polokwane, Lekganyane had many followers, who possibly were also attracted by the fact that he was the grandson of a famous traditional healer. But a struggle over power seems to have developed with the Mamabolo chief. Followers of Lekganyane brought him gifts and a portion of their harvest; they were treating him as a chief. When Lekganyane instated Wednesday prayer meetings for women, the chief declared that the women were to work on his fields on Wednesdays (Wouters 2014:61). A pregnant woman who refused to work on the chief’s land was given a beating and lost her baby. Lekganyane brought the chief to court, and the chief was ordered to pay the woman R 200. After this incident, Lekganyane could not stay on the lands of the Mamabole chief. He first moved to the lands of a nearby farm, and in 1942, with the help of his followers, he was able to buy a plot of land in Boyne, fifty km east of Polokwane, which he named Moria.

Engenas Lekganyane died after a prolonged illness in 1948. He did not name a successor, and his eldest son Barnabas died seven months after Engenas, before the traditional year-long period of mourning was finished (Wouters 2014:63). His surviving sons Edward and Joseph were both in line for succession. While Edward was working in Johannesburg at the time of his father’s death, Joseph was by his side in Moria. In the end, Edward became the leader of the biggest group, which retained the name ZCC, and he chose a five-pointed star as its symbol. Engenas’ son Joseph founded a new church, called the St. Engenas ZCC, with a dove as its symbol. Joseph stayed on the original Moria plot, while Edward established himself some 1.5 km from there.

Edward Lekganyane lived from 1928 to 1967. He invested much time and energy in preaching in the urban townships of the provinces Gauteng, Limpopo and Mpumalanga (Morton n.d. b). While Engenas was a charismatic leader who received his authority from his gifts of healing and prophecy, Edward took up the role of a more administrative bishop (Anderson 1999:292). It was Edward who transformed Moria into a true Zion City. [Image at right] He established the popular brass band that greets pilgrims to Moria in 1951, and built the church at Moria, which was completed in 1962 (Müller 2011:14). He was also a pragmatic leader who kept close ties to the Apartheid government, inviting government representatives to the Easter celebration in Moria in 1965. From 1963 to 1966 Edward received theological training at a Dutch Reformed college for evangelists close to Moria, a decision of which not everyone approved.

During Edward Lekganyane’s leadership, the largest breakaway from the ZCC happened when Frederick Modise started his church, the International Pentecostal Holiness Church (IPHC). Modise was the minister of a ZCC church in Soweto, and also a relatively wealthy businessman. After a streak of misfortune (robbery, bankruptcy, illness and the death of his children) Modise found himself penniless and in hospital. In September 1962, while in hospital, Modise heard a voice telling him to pray, and had a vision of a multitude of people kneeling down and praying. He subsequently received the gift of spiritual healing. After praying for a number of patients in the hospital, who were healed, he was healed and discharged himself in October 1962. After this experience, Modise started his own church. Like the ZCC, the IPHC is a church in which healing is very important. It also differs from the ZCC on a number of accounts. The IPHC is a sabbath church, celebrating the Lord’s day on the Saturday instead of the Sunday. Also, the IPHC is strongly posed against traditional African practices, such as the veneration of ancestors, while the ZCC incorporates these in its practices (Anderson 1992).

After Edward Lekganyane’s death of a heart attack in 1967, his son Barnabas Ramarumo was appointed the new leader of the ZCC. Because Barnabas at the time was only thirteen years-old, a superintendent was appointed to take care of the church business. This superintendent was first L. Mohale. After a year, however, he was replaced by M. Letsoalo, who led the church until 1975, when Barnabas was twenty-one and assumed leadership of the church. Not much is known about Barnabas Lekganyane. He is called “a secretive leader” in some publications, and rarely speaks to journalists or researchers. Like his father, Barnabas underwent some theological training by taking a Bible correspondence course (Müller 2011:15). He also followed his father in keeping a close relationship with the Apartheid government. Barnabas Lekganyane is the leader of the ZCC to this day.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Despite its many members and relatively long existence, the academic and other literature on the ZCC is quite scarce. The church is hesitant in opening itself up to scholars or journalists, and secrecy is an important element in the member’s conception of the church. Publications of the church itself are not readily available, and the church leaders deliver their views in sermons rather than in books. The fact that the church does not have its own theological college probably contributes to an absence of clear doctrines. Doctrines are just not a very important aspect of the church for its members. Members join the ZCC because they seek healing, blessing, and protection against evil. Sermons and other rational expositions of the faith do not convert members to the ZCC, but miracles and healings do (Moripe 1996:108f).

According to the constitution, the aim of the ZCC is to spread the Word of God and the Gospel of Jesus Christ in the world (Moripe 1996:223). The ZCC is a Christian church, influenced by the teachings of Alexander Dowie’s CCCZ, and grafted on African maps of the universe. Like the CCCZ, the ZCC has founded its own Zion City, in Moria. Alexander Dowie founded his Zion City as refuge in which Christians could follow their own rules of living. Like the CCCZ, the ZCC forbids the use of tobacco, drugs, alcohol and pork, and practices baptism by threefold immersion in naturally flowing water. In South Africa, the idea of a Zion City acquired even more meaning. Land is an emotional and sensitive issue in Southern Africa, where many black Africans feel cheated out of their lands by white settlers, colonial governments and even mission churches. This was the case in the beginning of the twentieth century, when many black Africans lost their lands in the Anglo-Boer War, as much as it is now (Sullivan 2013:26). Edward Motaung’s ZAFM was one of the first to found an African Zion City in what is now Lesotho. Engenas Lekganyane followed his example by purchasing land after his conflict with the Mamabolo chief, and building his own Zion City.

Another clear similarity to Alexander Dowie’s CCCZ is the church’s focus on healing. To understand healing in the ZCC, however, it is important to sketch the more general context of African traditional notions on which it is grafted. In as far as African Traditional Religions (ATRs) had a concept of a supreme God, this God often was remote and unapproachable by mere humans. The spirits of the ancestors, on the other hand, were able to assist in daily matters. All problems within the physical world were believed to have been caused by disturbances in the spiritual world. These problems can be related to health, but also to failure in any undertaking, such as business, farming or marriage. From an African perspective, there is no clear distinction between physical health and a range of other problems that can affect one’s well-being. According to African ideas about healing, a mediator between ordinary people and the spirit world is necessary. A ruler or chief often has such a mediating role on the level of the community. If the ruler is in good standing with the spirit world, his community will thrive. Diviners were important religious specialists who could discern problems within the spiritual world, such as an offended ancestor or an attack by evil spirits, sorcerers or witches, and prescribe the ritual actions and medicines needed to restore well-being.

Similar to most ATRs, the ZCC is a church that is focused on overcoming afflictions in this world, rather than on salvation in the next. Within the church, the bishop, a position inhabited by three generations of Lekganyanes up until now, has the role of a mediator with the spiritual world for his people. Through the bishop, blessings can be accessed by members of the ZCC. On a more personal level, the prophets within the ZCC are mediators as well. They have a gift to discern which problems in the spiritual world cause a lack of well-being in the physical world. Within the ZCC, these problems are generally framed in a Christian way, as the result of sinning and as the result of evil spirits. In some cases, witchcraft or sorcery may also be pointed out as a cause (Wouters 2014:106). Sinning is believed to cause a withdrawal of the protection of the Holy Spirit, thereby leaving members vulnerable to evil spirits and witches or sorcerers. A confession of sins is therefore in almost all cases imperative for healing to occur. The ZCC prophet receives this information not only through the Holy Spirit, but also, like the diviner, from the ancestors. According to ZCC members, a person possessed by an ancestor-spirit can become a diviner, or, if baptized in the ZCC, a prophet (Anderson 1999:302). Like diviners, the prophets are called through dreams and an experience of prolonged illness. In a period of apprenticeship, the prophets are trained in the interpretation of dreams and the diagnosis and healing of afflictions.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

The ZCC is a very visible church within South Africa, mainly because of the uniforms worn by its members. Uniforms are important in many AICs. While most other Zionist churches prefer white robes, the ZCC have chosen a more military-style uniform, reminiscent of both British imperial troops and modern South African civil servants, for its male members (Comaroff 1985:243). This uniform is worn only to church.But male members often wear the cap belonging to the uniform in daily life as well. Also, ZCC members always wear a badge with a silver five-pointed star with ZCC engraved on it. [Image at right] ZCC members always wear a badge with a silver five-pointed star with ZCC engraved on it. This practice was introduced by Engenas Lekganyane in 1928. The badge is pinned on a circular black piece of cloth, which is pinned on a rectangular dark-green piece of cloth. The badge is worn on a member’s clothing, on the left side of the chest. The badge is worn every day. This makes it easy for members to recognize each other, and gives a sense of belonging and family (Wouters 2014:125). The badge is also believed to protect the wearer from all kinds of misfortune (Hanekom 1975:3).

Unlike the badge, which is worn every day, the uniform is worn only in a ritual setting. The uniforms can only be acquired by baptized ZCC members. For men, a dark bottle-green uniform is the most formal. The collars of the suit of church officials are braided with yellow. Evangelists have one yellow stripe on the bottom of their sleeves, ministers have two yellow stripes on the bottom of their sleeves, while the bishop has three stripes. For women, the formal uniform is a bottle-green skirt with a yellow blouse and a bottle-green headscarf. Blue trimmings on the yellow blouse show a member’s status (Wouters 2014:135). A blue ribbon attached to the collar is for minister’s wives. A loose blue ribbon hanging around the neck signifies that the wearer is a supervisor of female members and visitors on the church grounds.

Members of the female and male choirs have their own, different, uniforms. The most well-know of these are the mokhuku, a group of male choir dancers. [Image at right]They wear a khaki jacket and trousers, a yellowish shirt and a brown tie. With the uniform also comes a military style black hard cap with the ZCC star attached to the front. This is the cap that may be worn in everyday life as well. Mokhuku members wear large white boots with thick rubber soles. Being a mokhuku member can be very time and energy consuming. Their dance consists of jumping and stamping on the ground, a practice that reminds of Zulu war dances. Symbolically, this type of dancing is believed to “stamp evil underfoot” by trampling it in the dust (Moripe 1996:101). They perform after the Friday night service and before the Sunday afternoon service; and have additional practice sessions on Saturday and during the week.

There are not many ZCC church buildings. Services take place in houses, school classrooms and especially in the open air. There are church services on Wednesday, especially for women, on Friday, and on Sunday. The main service of the ZCC is on Sunday afternoon. Like in any Christian church service, there are prayers, Bible readings, songs to be sung and a sermon. However, ZCC church services have their particularities as well. Before entering the church grounds congregants are sprinkled with water. This water cleanses the participants in the church service from pollution (Wouters 2014:115f), and it is also said to reveal any sickness (Anderson 2000:149). Before the church service starts, choirs such as the mokhuku and the female choir perform in an open space in front of the place where the service is held. Also, attendees of the service dance together in a circle to call down the presence of the Holy Spirit. There dance moves resemble the dances of the Pedi-speaking people, with men making long jumps, and women dancing in more shuffling motions. This is the only occasion in which men and women dance and sing together, although the men dance on one side of the circle and the women on the other side (Wouters 2014:187).

The service consists of songs, prayer and preaching. During the service, the baruti (ministers) are seated on a platform at the far end of the space. They do the preaching, often several in succession. Although women preach during the services on Wednesdays, they are not allowed on this platform (Wouters 2014:121). In the audience, men and women sit separately. When facing the platform, women are seated on the left side and men on the right side. Women and men are grouped together according to the uniform they wear. [Image at right] Preaching is often centered on testimonies of healing and other personal narratives, told in response to the reading of some Bible verses. During church services, prophets, led by the Holy Spirit, go around and single out members of the congregation. Sometimes messages from the divine are conveyed within the service; at other times the congregation member is taken to a secluded space for a personal consult. Hearing the sermon seems to be secondary to receiving healing.

Prophecy in the ZCC is a ministry that includes both healing and pastoral care. Any problematic situation can be brought before the prophets for their assistance. The most common kind of prophecy is diagnostic prophecy, aimed at discerning the cause of an ailment. After the cause of a lack of well-being is discovered, the prophet prescribes a course of action, such as praying or reading the Bible, using water, tea or coffee, or even wearing a particular uniform (Wouters 2014:161). Blessed objects also may be used, such as strips of cloth, strings, needles, or walking sticks. Often the prescriptions of the prophet entail the healing acts of a minister, such as preparing the healing liquids, executing protective rituals, and blessing objects. The most common method of healing in the ZCC is the sprinkling and consumption of blessed water. The water becomes blessed through the prayer by a minister or by the bishop himself. It is this prayer that gives the water its healing quality. Sprinkling blessed water on objects and persons is believed to purify, bless and protect them. Besides water, the ZCC also uses special tea and coffee for healing purposes. Of all the healers active in the church, the bishop is said to have the strongest powers of healing and blessing. Even the current bishop is still requested to visit areas that experience drought to bring the rains (Wouters 2014:171). ZCC members are hesitant to use biomedicine, although it does not seem to be forbidden. Medical attention can fix certain health problems, while the healing in the ZCC can subsequently remove the original cause of the problem (Wouters 2014:219).

The most important sacrament in the ZCC is baptism of adult members. [Image at right] Non-members are not allowed to watch this ritual. Young people from the age of eighteen are encouraged to be baptized. Because becoming a ZCC  member requires commitment to strict rules and taboos, it is only adult members, and not children, that can be baptized. Before baptism, new prospective ZCC members are guided by older members to learn the behavioral rules of the ZCC. After this period of training, an interview with some elders of the same gender is held. The ZCC practices baptism through full immersion, preferably in running water like a river. Before entering the water, the prospective member must confess their sins. The ZCC follows the method of threefold immersion by a minister, similar to Dowie’s church in Zion. Baptism is seen as a cleansing and healing ritual. Complete health is only attainable after baptism (Wouters 2014:153). After baptism a member is allowed to wear the ZCC uniform and the badge. Marriage does not seem to be an important ritual occasion for the ZCC. ZCC members are allowed to practice polygamy, which is legal in South Africa. Due to the hard economic conditions and the emancipation of women, marrying more than one wife is, however, not very common.

Members are expected to visit the headquarters of the church in Zion City Moria [Image at right] at least once a year, either at the Easter conference or at the conference in September. Every year up to a million of ZCC members flock to Moria to receive the blessing of the bishop in their lives (Kruger and Saayman 2014:29). Especially the assemblies every Easter attract thousands of believers. Zion City Moria has become a center of ritual power, a place of blessing, of deliverance and of healing, where one can be close to the powers of the divine (Anderson 1999:297). While the Easter Conference is the most important, the Conference in September is also well-attended. This conference is regarded as a New Year festival and a festival of thanks for the harvest (Moripe 1996:65). This festival resonates with the first fruit festivals that are known from many ATRs. One of the most important duties of the bishop, and certainly his most visible duty, is to preside over the annual conferences held in Moria. The  high point of the pilgrimage is the welcoming of pilgrims by the bishop, leading a procession of his own brass band (Müller 2011:116). Communion is only administered by the bishop at the two annual conferences in Moria.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Already in 1925, less than a year after founding the church, Engenas Lekganyane attempted to receive official recognition and registration of his church from the government. In his application, Lekganyane claimed to have 925 adherents in fifteen different congregations. A number of factors probably contributed to the rejection of this application. At that time, indigenous churches were perceived by the government as sources of protest and action towards liberation. In 1921, the police had clashed with another religious group, leaving 163 followers dead. To disapprove Lekganyane’s application may have been part of an attempt to discourage the formation of indigenous African religious bodies (Anderson 1999:289). Another reason may be that Edward Motaung’s ZAFM was seeking accreditation at the same time, and that Lekganyane’s followers were mentioned as ZAFM members on his application. This led to doubt whether Lekganyane really had the following that he claimed (Wouters 2014:59).

The ZCC grew rapidly, from 926 members in 1926 to about 2.000 in 1935, to 8.500 in 1940 and 27.487 in 1942. Sotho-speakers form the largest group of members, but the church has members from different ethnic backgrounds, and is active in Botswana and other Southern African countries as well. According to the 2001 census in South Africa, the ZCC had about 5,000,000 adherents, which means that eleven percent of South Africans and 13.9 percent of Christians in South Africa belonged to the ZCC. According to the church itself, there are currently 16,000,000 members worldwide, especially in Southern Africa.

The bishop is the paramount leader of the church. Only the three generations of Lekganyanes in leadership of the church have ever received the title of bishop. Although the bishop is a very important figure in the ZCC, and his role is to mediate between God and his people, the Lekganyanes have always rejected any messianic or divine claims about their leadership. Sometimes, ZCC members pray to the God of Engenas, Edward and Barnabas. Other churches have interpreted this as an attribution of divine status to the bishops. Anderson, on the other hand, interprets the invocation as placing God within an African context, just as Isrealites may pray to the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob (Anderson 1999:296).

As leader of the church, the bishop has absolute power and authority in all church matters (Moripe 1996:157). According to the constitution, the bishop has authority over all office-bearers of the church, and he settles all questions of law. His interpretation of the constitution is final. The bishop is assisted by the general secretary, the inner council, and the executive church council. The general secretary has a full-time position, and he is responsible for church correspondence and all daily matters affecting the church (Moripe 1996:160). All funds raised by the church are brought to the General Secretary, who transfers them into the church’s bank account. The executive church council consists of senior ministers, who are called pillars (Moripe 1996:154). The executive church council deals with matters brought up by congregations through the district councils. It also appoints the members of the district council from the office bearers of congregation in that region. The chairman of the district council is appointed according to his seniority. The general secretary and the members of the executive church council are appointed by the bishop. Next to this executive body there exists an inner council, which acts as an advisory board to the bishop. This inner council consists mostly of family members (Wouters 2014:170) and is responsible for the election of a new bishop after the death of the previous bishop. In all previous cases of succession, the deceased bishop has been succeeded by the eldest surviving son of his first wife.

According to the constitution of the church, every congregation should have at least twenty-five members and an ordained minister (Moripe 1996:109). The minister is chosen by the congregation. He usually lives within the congregation and faces the same financial challenges as the members of his congregation. Although theological training is encouraged, the ZCC does not have its own theological college or Bible school. Not many ministers have received formal theological training. A minister should have leadership qualities and a good character, rather than a high level of education (Moripe 1996:155). The formal duties of the minister are to preach the Gospel, to pray for the sick and lay his hands on them, to consecrate children, to baptize believers, to administer Holy Communion, to bury the dead and to solemnize marriages (Moripe 1996:158). In practice, there are some deviations of these constitutional duties. It is the prerogative of the bishop to administer the Holy Communion at the annual conference in Moria. Ministers also do not often bury the dead, because the lengthy purification rituals after coming in contact with a dead body would impact on his other duties. After a burial, for example, a minister is not allowed to lay hands onto a sick person for seven days (Moripe 1996:46).

Evangelists, lay preachers and deacons may also be active within a congregation. Evangelists help the minister in his duties, and they have the highest authority after the minister (Moripe 1996:155). Evangelists have similar duties as the minister, but they are not allowed to solemnize marriages. Deacons are not allowed to solemnize marriages or consecrate children. Lay preachers are only allowed to preach and pray for healing, and to bury the dead. The minister may appoint church members to be leaders of church classes. A local church council, elected from the congregation and presided by the minister, supervises the affairs of the congregation, especially with regards to finances and the resolution of conflicts with the minister.

Next to this formal hierarchy exists the body of prophets, who do not hold an office. Prophets are, however, highly respected and may speak with more authority than members of the formal hierarchy (Moripe 1996:92f). There is no formal structure to affirm prophets or prophecies. Prophecies of respected prophets are accepted on their authority. The prophecies of junior prophets may be verified by senior prophets, especially if they concern the whole church or imply accusations of witchcraft or sorcery (Moripe 1996:154).

Local congregations as well as the church as a whole have committees devoted to conflict resolution, called kgoro. Members who have violated the rules of the church can be disciplined or reprimanded by this committee. Although warnings predominate, a member may also be ordered to pay a fine. The fine is paid, in money or livestock, to the bishop, who decides how to utilize these assets (Moripe 1996:161).

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

The stance of the church regarding political power has been criticized as well as lauded. Especially during the Apartheid era their quietism and political non-involvement has led to protests against the ZCC (Müller 2015:7) ZCC members themselves see the church as promoting peace, and emphasizing peaceful cooperation with whatever the ruling government is (Wouters 2014:176).

The South African government was at first hesitant to acknowledge the church. But by the 1950s, the government’s ideas towards churches had shifted under influence of the Apartheid ideology. Now, indigenous black churches were encouraged because of their independence, which could be interpreted as separatism. Classical mission churches, on the other hand, were seen as troublesome for their criticisms on racial segregation. The ZCC, as a black church, fitted well within a segregated South Africa. On the other hand, the church has never adopted any ethnic restrictions, and its popularity within urban areas ensured an ethnically diverse membership (Müller 2015:7). The ZCC bishops have largely been quiet on issues of politics and ideology, while at the same time always striving to establish a good working relationship with the government. Church members were forbidden to take part in structured political protests (Anderson 1999:294). In 1960, just after the Sharpeville massacre in which the South African police opened fire on protesters and killed 69 of them, Edward Lekganyane invited the government to the Easter conference in Moria. In 1965, the government accepted the invitation and Minister of Bantu Affairs de Wet Nel attended the Easter celebrations. After Edward started his training at the white Dutch Reformed Theological School in Stofberg near Moria, a group within the ZCC was disgruntled about this and joined the St. Engenas ZCC of Joseph Lekganyane (Kruger 1971:27).

Like his father before him, Barnabas Ramarumo Lekganyane extended invitations to the government to attend the Easter conferences at Zion City Moria. In 1980, Minister of Bantu Affairs Piet Koornhof visited Moria. This led to violent protests against the ZCC in the townships of Johannesburg. In 1981, Barnabas Lekganyane publicly distanced himself of the Apartheid ideology of the government. Still, during the seventy-fifth anniversary celebrations of the church in 1985, President P.W. Botha was invited. Again, this led to attacks against ZCC members in Soweto. In 1992, at a time of political and racial turmoil, the church invited the three most influential leaders: President De Klerk, Nelson Mandela and Mangosuthu Buthelezi. This was seen as an attempt to promote peace in a violent time (Anderson 1999:294).

After Apartheid, South Africa still is a country in which the gap between rich and poor is exceptionally large, and still largely follows racial lines. Within South African society, at least three different worlds exist (Müller 2015:8f). One is an affluent world of white and black residents of gated communities and security complexes in the suburbs. They are able to live their lives quite isolated from the concerns and problems of the wider society, which they navigate in their private owned vehicles. The urban black or township world is another distinct space in South African society. In the townships, access to basic services like safe housing, water and electricity, sanitation, health care and education is often tenuous. To get around, people in the townships rely in majority on public transport in the form of mini-bus taxis. The rural black world is closely connected to this urban black world. This world is poorer still, and many people migrate to the urban areas hoping to eventually gain access to the affluent world. Kinship and religious networks can make the transition from the rural to the urban easier.

The ZCC is one of the churches that connects both of these poor black worlds. The members of the ZCC predominantly live in the townships of urban conglomerations, and in rural areas. ZCC members are, on average, poor and relatively uneducated. The ZCC has been labeled a pro-poverty church, in which, unlike in the neo-Pentecostal prosperity churches, acquiring wealth does not take center stage. Local churches are responsible for paying a stipend to the resident minister. Most local churches, however, are not able to give the minister his full stipend. This situation is not specific to the ZCC or even to Zionist churches in general, but is experienced by churches that have gained independence from foreign mission churches as well.

Bishop Barnabas Ramarumo Lekganyane, on the other hand, is not only active as a spiritual leader, he is also a skilled businessman. He owns a bus service and several stores (Moripe 1996:150). In a context of widespread poverty, the ostentatious display of wealth by Barnabas Lekganyane and his predecessor, living in mansions and owning a fleet of luxury cars, may be perceived as jarring. ZCC members, however, seem to be proud of the wealth of their leader, because only a leader blessed by God can be so successful, and the members themselves profit from the bishop’s relations to the spiritual world through healing and blessings (Wouters 2014:177). The bishop’s financial display may even (as it does in many prosperity gospel churches) attract more followers who hope to receive some of these financial blessings themselves. The bishop does not keep all his wealth for himself. Both Edward and Barnabas Lekganyane have invested in bursaries for the primary, secondary and tertiary educations of their members who suffer from financial constraints (Moripe 1996:27). The church also manages a ZCC Chamber of Commerce and a funeral benefit fund. The church offers communal services like scholarships and the burial society. ZCC stores in urban areas provide the members with basic necessities like coffee, tea, oil, and flour, which are also often prescribed to counter afflictions. In this way, the ZCC provides its members with a sense of belonging and security (Müller 2015:9). 

Other Christian churches do not always hold the ZCC in high regard. Especially Pentecostal churches are wary of the traditional elements incorporated in ZCC theology and practices. Pentecostals tend to dismiss traditional African beliefs as heretic or even satanic. Especially the acceptance of ancestor spirits by the ZCC is seen by them as worshiping demons (Sewapa 2016:6). Some testimonies spread by Pentecostal churches accuse the ZCC of sacrificing human beings to Satan and other atrocities.

The Zion Christian Church closed during the national lockdown to curb the spread of the Covid-19 in March 2020. The church reopened in April 2022 (Sadike 2022)

IMAGES

Image #1: Portrait of Engenas (Ignatius) Barnabas Lekganyane.
Image #2: Moria City.
Image #3: ZCC membership badge.
Image #4: The mokhuku male choir dancers.
Image #5: Members at a ZCC service in different color uniforms.
Image #6: A ZCC baptism ritual.
Image #7: Pilgrims at Moria City.

REFERENCES

Anderson, Allan H. 2000. Zion and Pentecost: The Spirituality and Experience of Pentecostal and Zionist/Apostolic Churches in South Africa. Pretoria: University of South Africa Press.

Anderson, Allan H. 1999. “The Lekganyanes and Prophecy in the Zion Christian Church.” Journal of Religion in Africa XXIX:285-312.

Anderson, Allan H. 1992. “Frederick Modise and the International Pentecost Church: A Modern African Messianic Movement?” Missionalia 20:186-200.

Comaroff, Jean, 1985. Body of Power Spirit of Resistance: The Culture and History of a South African People. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Hanekom, Christof. 1975. Krisis en Kultus: Geloofsopvattinge en Seremonies binne ‘n Swart Kerk, Kaapstad: Academica.

Kruger, M.A. 1972. “Die Oorsake vir die Ontstaan en Besondere Aard van die Zion Christian Church.” In Die Skriflig 6:13-32.

Kruger, Martinette and Melville Saayman. 2016. “Understanding the Zion Christian Church (ZCC) Pilgrims.” International Journal of Tourism Research 18:27-38.

Moripe, Simon. 1996. The Organisation and Management of the Zion Christian Church. Ph.D.  dissertation, University of Durban.

Morton, Barry. n.d.a “Engenas Lekganyane and the Early ZCC: Oral Texts and Documents.” Accessed from https://www.academia.edu/14338013 /Engenas_Lekganyane _and_the_Early_ZCC_Oral _Texts_and_Documents on 20 May 2019.

Morton, Barry. n.d.b. “Edward Lekganyane and the ZCC: Newspaper Articles in Naledi ya Batswana, 1946-1960.” Accessed from href=”https://www.academia.edu/35243058/Edward_Lekganyane_and_the _ZCC_Newspaper_Articles_in_Naledi_ya_Batswana_1946-60″ on 20 May 2019.

Morton, Barry. 2016. “Samuel Mutendi’s Biography Cannot Be True.” Unpublished paper. Accessed from  https://www.academia.edu/26700853/Samuel_Mutendis_Biography_Cannot_Be_True on 20 May 2019.

Müller, Retief. 2015. “The Zion Christian Church and Global Christianity: Negotiating a Tightrope between Localisation and Globalisation.” Religion 45:174-90.

Müller, Retief. 2011. African Pilgrimage: Ritual Travel in South Africa’s Christianity of Zion. Farnham: Ashgate.

Rafapa, Lesibana, 2013. “The Content, Handling and Role of Oral History in the Zion Christian Church.” Pp. 89-101 in Oral History: Heritage and Identity, edited by Christina Landman. Pretoria: UNISA.

Sadike, Mashudu. 2022. “Joy as Zion Christian Church reopens for first time in two years.” Pretoria News, April 25. Accessed from https://www.iol.co.za/pretoria-news/news/joy-as-zion-christian-church-reopens-for-first-time-in-two-years-d6f417c5-fdbd-47a1-9100-b96d5bea4a28 on 28 January 2023.

Sewapa, Tebogo Molate. 2016. The Church Historical Analyses on the Origin of the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa and Other African Pentecostal Type of Churches in South Africa (A Zionist and Pentecostal Study). Ph.D dissertation, Stellenbosch University.

Sullivan, Andrew Leslie. 2013. A Brief, Critical History of Zion Evangelical Ministries of Africa among the AmaZioni of Southern Africa with Special Reference to its Relationship with the Christian Catholic Church of Zion. Master’s thesis, South African Theological Seminary.

Wouters, Jackey, 2014. An Anthropological Study of Healing Practices in African Initiated Churches with Special Reference to a Zionist Christian Church in Marabastad. Master’s thesis,  University of South Africa.

Publication Date:
23 May 2019

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Jesus Christians

JESUS CHRISTIANS TIMELINE

1944:  Dave McKay was born in Rochester, New York.

1981:  The McKay family began distributing their tracts on the street.

1985:  Six of the youngest Jesus Christians members successfully walked 1000km across the Nullarbor Desert.

1998:  Many members left over differences regarding the direction of the community

1998:  The community that formed around Dave and Cherry McKay adopted the name “Jesus Christians.”

1999:  A controversial incident involving the Jesus Christians appeared in a local newspaper in Surrey, U.K.

2002:  The first two Jesus Christian members altruistically donated their kidneys to a stranger.

2003:  The Guardian journalist, Jon Ronson, produced a documentary on the Jesus Christian’s kidney donations called Kidneys for Jesus.

2006:  The Jesus Christians performed a mock trial after a Jesus Christian member allegedly was attacked by the family of a newly joined member.

2007:  Several Jesus Christian members appeared on The Jeremy Kyle Show special on cults.

2010:  Dave and Cherry McKay announced that the Jesus Christians had officially disbanded.

2015:  Former Jesus Christian members began publishing YouTube videos on their channel Cómo Vivir Por Fe [Living by Faith].

2016:  Former Jesus Christian members published the YouTube channels End Time Survivors, Radically New Life, and A Voice in the Desert.

2018:  Former Jesus Christian members published the YouTube channel The Teachings of Jesus and Christian Cartoons.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

What would come to be known as the Jesus Christians (JCs) emerged in the 1980s as a small community based around the family of Dave and Cherry McKay, and their four children Kevin, Sheri, Gary and Christine. Dave and Cherry met at high school in the small town of Clarksburg, California. Dave was raised in a family of Nazarene Christians. Cherry’s mother was part of Christ Unity, but her main influence was her grandmother who was a Baptist (personal communication with Dave McKay, May 14, 2019).  Dave and Cherry married young and moved from the United States to Australia in 1968. After moving to Australia, Dave briefly joined the Children of God for a period of several months but left due to several disagreements such as the church’s teachings on sexual ethics; Cherry did not join (Ronson 2002a). In 1981, the McKay family began producing and distributing their own tracts and experimenting with ways to adopt their understanding of the teachings of Jesus into their lifestyle (“JC History 1981-1996”  2016). The maxims that would later come to characterize the JCs was preaching the teachings of Jesus, performing altruistic humanitarian work, and the rejection of greed and the idolatrous worship of money. Throughout the 1980s, this manifested in “free work” campaigns, charity projects in India, as well as in Australia, and street protests designed to bring their message to a broader audience. Whilst many activities were based in Australia, the group also expanded into the United Kingdom, the United States, Africa, India, and New Zealand (“JC History 1981-1996” 2016).

During the 1980s, the early group, which was not yet called the Jesus Christians, used media stunts, graffiti, “free work” campaigns, and street performances to bring attention to their message. These stunts often led to arrests and legal action taken against them. They also garnered considerable media attention as Dave McKay used his background as a journalist to facilitate greater media exposure. The main thrust of the group’s street performances and stunts involved the desecration of paper money. They did this to bring attention to idolatrous worship of money in modern society. They glued $1 notes to the footpath in Martin Place, Sydney, spelling the words “Trust God, Not Money,” burnt paper money in public demonstrations, and inscribed $2 dollar notes with their message and Bible scripture. They also (illegally) painted a mural in the Devonshire Street tunnel in Sydney (“Mural Painters Told to Get Permission First 1984), and stood in shopping centers dressed in hessian robes and chains whilst holding scrolls inscribed with “fire and brimstone” Bible verses (“JC History 1981-1996,” 2016). The group’s street performances expanded into greater feats when, in 1985, several of the youngest members of the community successfully walked 1000km across the Nullarbor Desert without supplies or money. [Image at right] The small group of young Christians was led by fifteen-year-old Christine McKay. They completed the walk in two months by relying on what they found and what was given to them by strangers. This stunt earned them the name the “Nullarbor Walkers” by the media ((“Walkers Begged, Say Locals“ 1985; “JC History 1981-1996” 2016; “Critics Were Wrong, Say Nullarbor 7” 1985a, “Walkers Call for Apologies After 1,700km Trek” 1985b).

Throughout the 1990s, the JCs extended their reach overseas to India where they carried out various large-scale humanitarian projects. The group had previously worked in India in the 1980s, but in 1990, several members moved to Madras and began what would become known as “Vision 2000.” This was their largest humanitarian project yet (“JC History 1981-1996” 2016). Continuing their flare for public dissent, they drew attention to the poor living conditions of the slums by taking turns standing waist-deep in the open sewers for a week. They also set up a dining table, wine glasses and fine linen in the sewerage (“JC History 1981-1996” 2016; McGirk 1995). In addition, they engaged in charitable works such as teaching English, cleaning public toilets, sweeping the streets, cleaning the open sewer, and building a concrete slab to cover the open sewer. They also built many structures on the slab to support the various charity activities they were running (McGirk 1995, 1994). They state that

1994 was a year of great popularity for us in India, with media reports almost every week throughout the year, and a constant stream of visitors, from politicians and celebrities to whole school classes and service clubs. Several television documentaries on our work were made in India, and some were shown all over Asia. We had succeeded in turning a 60 metre stretch of sewer into an oasis, complete with a full-size volleyball court, clinic, and small huts for our workers. We treated up to 150 patients a day, as well as teaching English classes and organizing sporting competitions. However, we also slogged on dredging a further 100 meters of the silted up sewage canal, using only buckets and shovels and our bare hands(“JC History 1981-1996” 2016).

Their protests and social work in the area attracted international media interest, as well as many volunteers, journalists, and other organizations. However, they were eventually pressured to leave after being repeatedly threatened from the local slumlord (“JC History 1981-1996” 2016; McGirk 1995).

In the late 1990s, the group adopted a new direction. Prominent members left the group, and those who remained began to call themselves “Jesus Christians”(“JC History 1981-1996” 2016). They handed over the work they had done in India to various charity organizations and began to focus upon evangelism, through the distribution of their tracts. The Jesus Christians website describes the reason for this shift from humanitarian work to witnessing, stating that “we were keen to reduce our involvement in that form of “social work” and to increase our involvement in getting out the printed word.”(“JC History 1981-1996”  2016). In 1998, this change in focus led to a split in the community which resulted in the departure of many members (“The Split” 2016). Up to this point the group went by many names which were often given to them by the media, such as the Rappville Christians, Medowie Volunteers, Sydney Christians, the Australians, Nullarbor Walkers, and the Christians. In 1998, they officially named themselves the Jesus Christians (“A Change of Name” 2016).

Throughout the 2000s, over thirty JC members made altruistic kidney donations to strangers. The first to document the kidney donations was The Guardian journalist Jon Ronson. In 2002, he wrote a two-part article for the Guardian (Ronson 2002a, 2002b), and in 2003, he produced a television documentary, Kidneys for Jesus (Ronson 2003) where he followed the donation process of several JC members. In 2004, the group came under scrutiny once again for the kidney donations. The JCs admitted that they had exaggerated how long they had known the recipients so that they would be allowed to donate. At the time, unrelated kidney donations were not legal in Australia, and it raised questions about the legality of the JCs actions (Giles 2004; Scott 2004; NSW to Allow Live Kidney Donations” 2004). In NSW, this led to a re-evaluation of NSW policy on kidney donations, which allowed for un-related kidney donations (“NSW To Allow Live Kidney Donations” 2004). In Victoria, the JCs were banned from donating their kidneys (“JC Kidney Ban in Australia” 2016). The JCs kidney donations also spurred debate in the medical community over whether the JC members should be allowed to donate (Frunză et al. 2010; Mueller et al. 2008). They were rejected from the Mayo Clinic in the United States from donating, due to the fears that the members were being coerced by Dave McKay (Mueller et al. 2008). In 2008, the JCs entered the public stage again when Australian Story (“Ash’s Anatomy” 2007) produced  a report on JC member Ashwyn Falkingham, who wanted to donate his kidney to a woman in Canada. The story focused on the plight of Falkingham’s parents to prevent him from donating his kidney and “rescue” him from the JCs. Initially, they quashed his efforts by contacting the Canadian health authorities (“Ash’s Anatomy” 2007), but Falkingham later successfully donated in Cyprus (“Kidneys” 2016).

In 2010, the Jesus Christians announced that they had disbanded, and they disappeared from the public scene. One reason why they did this was to escape the harassment they were experiencing from anti-cult antagonists. Around the same time, several long-term members Susan and Roland Gianstefani, Ross Parry, and Alan Wright exited the community, either from excommunication or defection. In subsequent years, they have been highly vocal in exposing the JCs for being dishonest about their disbandment. They claim that the JCs continued to operate covertly and that they were shunned from the community because they did not agree with the decision to “go underground”(Gianstefani 2019; Parry 2013; Wright 2019). In a personal communication (November 27, 2017), Dave McKay clarifies that the disbandment was “real and fake at the same time” (Personal Communication, November 27, 2017). On the one hand, individual teams still operated under the same teachings and practices as the JCs. However, the decision to disband caused a restructure in the community. Each of the teams, which were spread across Australia, Kenya, the United States, the United Kingdom and South America, became autonomous bodies and members minimized and/or ceased contact with relatives, friends and contacts. Assets had been divided several years before and many members parted ways on the instruction to manage their own evangelizing activities. Most importantly, they no longer identified as JCs (McKay, 2017). Thus, the JCs announcement of disbandment was not necessarily dishonest, but neither does it capture the nuance of the transition that occurred in the community at that time.

In 2015, the group began to re-emerge as several members began experimenting with the production of YouTube videos. For the first few years, the JCs presented themselves as anonymous. The presenters were not named, and they often appeared wearing a mask or with a digitally distorted face and voice. In 2011, the first channel was created by former JC members based in South America and it was called Cómo Vivir Por Fe [Living by Faith] (“Cómo Vivir Por Fe [Living by Faith]” 2011), however they did not produce a video until 2015. End Time Survivors, A Voice in the Desert, and Radically New Life appeared in 2016 (“A Voice in the Desert,” 2016, “End Time Survivors,” 2016b, “Radically New Life” 2016). In 2018, they published The Teachings of Jesus and Christian Cartoons (“Christian Cartoons” 2018; “The Teachings of Jesus” 2018). A large portion of the material presented by these YouTube channels is drawn from the corpus of material produced by the JCs and many former JC members administrate these channels. The channels differ in emphasis and style, but all follow a general format. They include sermons delivered by, sometimes distorted, voices, animations, music videos, and documentaries about the group’s activities. The Endtime Survivors channel stands out as possessing a greater emphasis on end time Bible prophecy and apocalyptic themes. A Voice in the Desert possesses a greater volume of sermons delivered by Dave McKay, but various other individuals also present. All the presenters are referred to as “Voice.” A Voice in the Desert also stands out as the most popular channel with more than 90 000 subscribers in 2019 (“A Voice in the Desert” 2017f). As the JCs continued to produce YouTube videos, other users began to identify them as former JCs and they became more relaxed with identifying individuals that appeared in the videos.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

The JC’s most central ethos is that they directly follow the teachings of Jesus. In a video entitled “The Cornerstone,” the presenter explains that,

Most Christians would understand this [The Cornerstone] is a term used in the Bible to refer to Jesus, and in particular his teachings. In one reference at the end of the Sermon on the Mount, his teachings are described as the entire foundation on which we should build our lives, and presumably our churches. This passage is also the one that most clearly identifies the teachings of Jesus as being the foundation, not just a name or a theological statement about Jesus, and it links disobedience to those teachings to spiritual destruction as opposed to obedience, which will result in spiritual survival…Jesus, in particular the teachings of Jesus, is the one piece that is absolutely indispensable. Without him everything else falls apart or becomes chaos (A Voice in the Desert 2019).

They believe that the teachings of Jesus are the “Word of God,” therefore His teachings are the utmost truth (A Voice in the Desert 2017a).Therefore, they prioritize the teachings of Jesus, as told in the Four Gospels, above all else in the Bible. They do not disregard the rest of the Bible, rather that which is not confirmed in the teachings of Jesus is considered inferior. They state that, “every other stone must line up with the cornerstone. If the apostles or the prophets are quoted in opposition to Jesus, we must follow Jesus in preference to them”(“Jesus -Key Verses” 2016).  It is on this prioritization of the teachings of Jesus that they claim to be unique among most other Christians.

The JCs believe that most Christian churches are failing to follow the teachings of Jesus. They use the terms “Churchianity,” and its adherents “churchies,” to refer to those who claim to follow the teachings of Jesus but follow the doctrine of the institution. They state that “churchies are people whose first loyalty is to the institutional church rather than to Jesus. They are defensive about the establishment and critical of anyone who supports the teachings of Jesus. Unfortunately, this includes the vast majority of Churchgoers” (“Churchies” 2016). For one to follow the truth, which is the teachings of Jesus, they must leave the religious establishment (“Churchies” 2016). Consequently, the JCs are anti-institutional. This is reflected in their loose organizational structure that is designed to avoid the construction of a church and hierarchical leadership. They spurn calling themselves or any individual by a title, this includes, mother, father, doctor, professor, sir, etc. (“Titles” 2016). Their desire to avoid worshiping doctrine over God also leads them to be suspicious of tradition and ritual activities (“System Worship” 2017). The JCs do not worship in a particular place or building, they do not hold any day as holy, and they do not practice regular sacraments (“The Kingdom of Heaven or Religion?” 2016). Furthermore, contentious theological debates over baptism, circumcision, the Sabbath, homosexuality, priesthood, the Sacraments, etc. are considered peripheral issues that are over-emphasized by other Christian denominations. The JCs see these doctrinal issues as irrelevant when one follows the teachings of Jesus (A Voice in the Desert 2018a).

There are those, however, who may go to church or another religious institution with the intention to follow the truth, but they have not yet come across it. This quality of truth-seeking is described as “sincerity.” A sincere individual is someone who seeks the truth as it was revealed by the teachings of Jesus. They state that a sincere person who possesses “real faith will respond positively to the light. It will seek out the light. It will want to know the truth’(“Faith and Sincerity” 2016). Anyone from any religion could be considered sincere in their search for the truth. They do not necessarily need to be Christian, because they have not been shown the teachings of Jesus, but are living out the truth of the teachings nonetheless. However, “a really sincere person will be drawn to the teachings of Jesus” (“Faith and Sincerity” 2016), and once the teachings have been revealed to an individual that person must conform to them. The doctrine states that, “a person with real faith will seek to change in conformity to the truth, rather than hide behind religious idols, dogmas, and traditions”(“Faith and Sincerity” 2016).

Those who are sincere are those who are likely to end up in the Kingdom of Heaven. The Kingdom of Heaven can refer to the world that will take over after the events of the Book of Revelation occur, and the other-worldly, ever-present realm that exists beyond the human domain. In their description of the Kingdom of Heaven, they state that

This mysterious “kingdom of heaven” does “not come with observation” (Luke 17:20); it is not “of this world” (John 18:36); it is not ruled by “carnal weapons” (II Corinthians 10:4); in fact, by human political standards, it is not a kingdom at all. Instead, it is a relationship between the human race and our Creator. It consists of attitudes and spiritual forces at work in the lives of those who are humble, loving, and sincere in their faith toward God. All of these forces come from the Spirit of the One who Created us, which, in some mysterious way, is also the Spirit of the One who died on the cross in Israel some 2,000 years ago.  In other words, God’s kingdom IS the Spirit of Jesus.  The kingdom of heaven is the REVELATION of Jesus. The kingdom of heaven is what Jesus came to demonstrate, at the same time that it is something yet to come when he returns (End Time Survivors 2018a).

Therefore, the Kingdom of Heaven is something that can be accessed in the present through sincerity and living out the teachings of Jesus. The Kingdom of Heaven also refers to an unseen global community of sincere individuals. This “invisible” kingdom is the culmination of sincere individuals who may not know one another but who are connected through their relationship with God. In the end-times, those who are sincere will be united together into the twelve tribes and they will become a part of the coming Kingdom.

For the JCs, the most important teaching of Jesus is that one must reject the love and service of money in order to serve God (A Voice in the Desert 2017b). They believe that the love of money is the “Root of all Evil” and identify greed and the worship of money as the source of the world’s ills. They state that “the Bible tells us that the love of money, whether physical or electronic, is responsible for all the evils and injustices in the world” (End Time Survivors 2018b).  Furthermore, they believe that this is what separates them from other Churches and most of society. Unlike the churches, they have rejected the love of money and instead, have chosen to serve God. In the JCs worldview, we are all given a choice to serve either God or money; you cannot serve both. Those who choose money will be subject to God’s wrath during the end-times. They often refer to Matthew 6:24 (A Voice in the Desert 2017c), which states, “no one can serve two masters: for either they will love the one and hate the other; or else they will hold to the one and despise the other. You cannot serve God and money.” Their rejection of money frames most of the group’s practices, it is what inspires their evangelizing activities, and it is deeply related to their millennialist worldview. They believe that it is also from money that the “Mark of the Beast” will emerge and it will be the tool by which the Devil will gain power during the end-times.

The Book of Revelation and its relationship with the Four Gospels is a key component in the JCs’ Christology. For the JCs, the end-time is imminently approaching. In a documentary they produced called The Mark (End Time Survivors 2016a), they explain that the Mark of the Beast is already being rolled out and that society is slowly being conditioned to accept it. The Mark of the Beast refers to a physical mark on the hand or forehead that demonstrates one’s allegiance to the Devil and prevents one from being a part of the Kingdom of Heaven. Those who take the mark are choosing money (the Devil) over God. They believe that the mark may come in the form of RFID microchipping technology that will be inserted into the hand and be used for financial transactions. This technology will come on the wave of the cashless society. It will replace paper money and become the only way to make financial transactions. Through the development of microchipping technology in credit cards and online banking, which makes cash inconvenient and eventually obsolete, we are slowly being conditioned to take the mark (A Voice in the Desert 2017c). Gradually, each person will be pressured to take the mark because they will be excluded from society without it. Only true followers of Jesus will reject the mark and face the consequences of persecution and suffering. However, they will eventually be rewarded when the Great Tribulation ends and the Kingdom of Heaven is established on Earth (End Time Survivors 2016a).

RITUALS/PRACTICES

The JCs’ core ethos to reject the worship of money compels them to adopt a lifestyle that subsists on as little money as possible. For the JCs, when the mark is rolled out, it will become the ubiquitous way to make financial transactions. Hence, the JCs believe that one day they will have to learn to live without money entirely. Since the cashless society has not yet arrived, and the mark is not widespread, they still use money for necessities. Nevertheless, no one in the community has a job or works for money. For financial needs they subsist on the donations that they collect when distributing their literature on the street. In addition, when a new person joins the community their money becomes added to the collective bank account  of the community. Many members live in camper caravans or cheap accommodation, they “bin-raid” or “dumpster-dive” for food and other items and devise creative alternatives to using money. [Image at right] They are highly aware of sales, discounts, and free alternatives, they do their own repairs and maintenance on their vehicles or homes, make or build what they can, and practice learning to do without things that are unnecessary. This lifestyle also encourages a focus on community living. According to the JCs, living out the teachings of Jesus must be done with other Christians by living together 24/7. It is by doing this that they are better able to survive without money (A Voice in the Desert 2017d:1, 2018b:2).

The JCs describe their lifestyle as “living by faith.” Living by faith begins when more than one Christian joins with another to form a community to live out the teachings of Jesus (A Voice in the Desert 2017e). The JCs believe that when one chooses to serve God over money, then God will provide their basic needs such as food and clothing. Living by faith involves seven major themes: 1) “Pray” involves learning to have an honest relationship with God, so that one may learn to trust the will of God to guide them. They state that “if you’re going to climb out of a boat and try to walk on water, you can’t afford to have misplaced faith. You must ask God to show you His will clearly, from the teachings of His Son” (“Living By Faith: How to Do It” 2016). 2) “Simplify” refers to learning to live with only what one needs, which is food and clothing. 3) “Sell” is closely related to simplify and refers to selling all that one owns and donating the funds to the poor. It too is based on the maxim that one should only own what they need.4) “Give” involves giving to others without any expectation of return. They suggest to “try to regularly give something… secretly… totally… (whether or not the recipient deserves it) without any strings attached” (“Living By Faith: How to Do It” 2016). 5). “Work” refers to putting one’s energy to working for God and with the motivation of love. The JCs occasionally carry out this practice by going on “free work campaigns,” [Image at right] where they offer their time and energy to whoever asks for help (“Living By Faith: How to Do It” 2016). 6) “Ask” being able to ask for food and shelter from those who have plenty, without feeling guilt or worthlessness. 7) “Share” involves working, living, and sharing together as a community. This ethos of community is important to maintain the maxims described above, to allow for the sharing of skills and knowledge, and to correct one another in times of error (“Living By Faith: How to Do It” 2016).

“Forsaking All” is a practice that is closely related to living by faith. “The Forsake All Principle” refers both to the initial transformation one makes when they join the community, as well as an ongoing practice of detaching oneself from worldly attachments. Forsaking all is the boundary that signifies those who are a part of the community. One is not considered a member of the community until they have completed the process. When individuals join, they must give up their job or education, sell all their possessions, give away their money and assets, and leave behind their family, friends and other social commitments. The new joiner must forsake their previous life and identity to take upon the lifestyle of the JCs and the identity as a Christian (“The Forsake All Principle” 2016). Thus, forsaking all refers to more than forsaking one’s material possessions, instead “the [Forsake All] principle teaches that in all areas of human experience, it pays to let go of our attachment to things, whether they be material possessions, hopes, relationships, fears or whatever ”(“The Forsake All Principle” 2016). Giving up these attachments allows one to be guided by God’s will and commit themselves to the community and its ethos. Furthermore, forsaking all is a mentality that is returned to by members. They must continually return to this practice as it is a component of living by faith (A Voice in the Desert 2017f; “The Forsake All Principle” 2016).

A key practice, or a set of practices, in the JC community is discerning God’s will. In times when the JCs require guidance on an issue their first port of call is the teachings of Jesus. However, in circumstances where the teachings cannot provide a specific answer the JCs must use several other means to understand God’s will. The JCs also teach that one should regularly practice “listening times,” so that they may remain receptive to receiving a message from God. They state that,

God can speak to us through dreams, visions and prophecies. We should take the time to listen to what he has to say. Ask God to give you dreams when you go to sleep; and each day when you pray take time to clear your mind of its busy thoughts and allow God to speak to you. You may see a picture, have some words come into your head or have a little daydream which you have not consciously created yourself (McKay, 2016).

The JCs believe that any individual can receive direct revelations from God; however, several factors must be considered in tandem with one another to avoid misinterpretation. Furthermore, these factors must correlate with the teachings of Jesus. Direct revelations from dreams or listening, can also be confirmed by “Godly counsel” (advice from more experienced members), or by other members who received similar revelations. Confirmation can also come from circumstances, coincidences, or miracles. In addition, if one has a desire or interest in something, this can also be implanted by God. Finally, one’s conscience, which has been trained by the teachings of Jesus, can also be a way to discern what is right and wrong (“Eight Ways God Talks to People—GO AHEAD; TRY THEM!” 2018; McKay 2016).

A “Faith Outreach,” “Survival Outreach,” or simply, “Outreach,” is a period of time where members will choose to leave behind all money, leave their homes, take only a few possessions, and live on the street or in the wilderness (A Voice in the Desert 2018c). Every outreach is different, yet the main difficulties that participants must face on the outreach include going without food, shelter, and other comforts. A survival outreach puts into practice the teachings of Jesus and calls upon the principles of forsaking all, living by faith, and listening. The member may go alone or in a group, and it is usually practiced either once a year or every few years. They must rely on what is given to them by strangers or what they can find to survive; they call this “Gods’ provision.” Listening is an important practice during the outreach because it directs them where they are needed and where they may find supplies. Another key activity during the outreach is to witness without relying upon distributing tracts (A Voice in the Desert 2018c). This calls upon the members’ faculties of creativity to find new ways to spread their message. The purpose of the outreach is to put the teachings of Jesus into practice. It teaches members how to do without food and shelter for a short time, to rely on God’s providence, and it encourages preaching the Word of God (“Outreach: Key Verses” 2016). Most importantly, it is considered practice for when the shift towards the cashless society is complete and the JCs must learn to live without money entirely (A Voice in the Desert 2018c).

The JCs have a strong witnessing focus and devote most of their energy to producing YouTube videos or distributing tracts on the street. They identify preaching the Gospel as a key teachings of Jesus (A Voice in the Desert, 2017d). The JCs produce their own books, comics and DVDs which they use for distributing. Some of this material includes Survivors, Listening and Destroyers, which is a three-part fictional series that details the journeys of several individuals as they navigate the teachings of Jesus in the context of the end-times. It was written by Dave McKay as a critique of Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins’ Left Behind franchise. They also distribute DVDs, including The Mark, which details the coming mark of the beast in RFID microchipping, and a comic version of the Gospel of Luke, which is called The Liberator. The aim of distributing tracts is to inspire as many people as possible to follow the teachings of Jesus (“How To Inspire Others” 2017). They believe that rather than trying to convince someone to accept the material, distributing is about finding those already receptive to the message. They state that, “it’s true that you will have to sift through hundreds of goats each day while you wait patiently for a sheep to come along” (“How To Inspire Others” 2017). Distributing is also a means for the JCs to collect donations so that they may continue to print literature and to pay for unavoidable expenses(A Voice in the Desert 2017d).

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Before 2010, the JCs were organized around the leadership of Dave and Cherry McKay. In subsequent years moves were made to transition from the leadership of Dave and Cherry to a committee of leadership roles. The aim of this transition was to provide the organizational foundation for the future of the community that would be able to manage the numerous bases in Australia, Africa, South America, North America, the United Kingdom, Southeast Asia, and Europe. At the time of writing, Dave McKay reported that they are currently in the process of writing a constitution. A new leader was elected, and she was given the task of overseeing the general administration of the various bases around the world. These six bases are represented by six members in a committee called “Hub.” The members of Hub are a secret, other than Dave McKay who sits on this committee and plays an emeritus role. In addition to the committee, there are other leadership roles. One member was given the task of writing scripts for the YouTube channels and taking over as the main presenter on A Voice in the Desert. Another position that was established is the “Roving Ambassador.” The task of this individual is to travel between each base to help deal with various issues. Many of the JCs do not have passports because they want to avoid using microchip technology, however this individual was able to acquire a ten-year passport without a microchip. This role is important to reach the various international bases. In addition, another member has the role of managing the online aspect of their ministry, including the production of YouTube videos and channels, advertising, and social media (personal communication with Dave McKay, May 14, 2019).

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

During the late 1990s to the 2000s, the JCs began to be embroiled in several scandals involving the media, “cult experts,” and the families of newly joined members. In 1999, a local newspaper in Surrey, U.K. reported on an incident where a newly joined member went to the Guildford police station to request that their name be removed from the missing persons list (“Mother slates police for not preventing her son going off with religious cult” 1999). The second incident occurred in 2000, when sixteen-year-old Bobby Kelly went travelling with the community after gaining permission from his grandmother. [Image at right] A media frenzy ensued, and the JCs were ordered to return Kelly home. Kelly was found safe and well at a campsite in New Hampshire; however, Susan and Roland Gianstefani were arrested for not revealing Bobby’s location. They were charged with a suspended six month sentence (“Cult Kidnap Boy” 2016). In 2005, the Gianstefanis were involved once again in a controversy in Kenya when Betty Njoroge and her seven-year-old son joined the community. Despite the charges being dropped, Roland Gianstefani was arrested and kept in custody until the JCs paid bail and a bribe to have him released (“Australian cult member freed in Kenya” 2005; “Controversies” 2016). In 2006, The JCs were again involved in a media scandal regarding eighteen-year-old Joseph Johnson, which involved the alleged violent assault of a JC member by several of Johnson’s family members (Johnson 2010).

The alleged violent assault by Johnson’s family resulted in what was described as “the Whipping Trial” by Fox News (Francisco 2017), which reported on the event. An article written by Joseph Johnson and published on the JCs’ website explains that after Joseph Johnson joined the community, he and two other members returned to his family home to retrieve a few possessions. The article alleged that during the visit, JC member Reinhard Zeuner was attacked by Johnson’s father and brother and suffered serious brain and spinal injuries. Johnsons family attacked the JCs because they believed that Johnson had been brainwashed by a dangerous cult. They developed this idea by reading about the JCs online (Johnson 2010). The article also states that the attack was filmed on the phone of a passer-by, yet the perpetrators were not charged for the attack. As a reaction to the lack of charges laid against Johnson’s family members, the JCs held a mock trial and called Fox News to report on it (Francisco 2017). The trial ended with several JC members offering to take the punishment of lashes of the whip meted out to Johnson’s family. [Image at right] The mock-trial found Johnson’s father and brother guilty of attempted murder, and the rest of his family with conspiring to murder Zeuner. Jared and John, Johnson’s father and brother, were prescribed twenty-five lashes of the whip each. Dave McKay and another JC member, Jeremy, took the punishment. Cherry took five lashes in place of Johnson’s mother, and Johnson took five lashes for his brother (Johnson 2016). During the trial Johnson’s family arrived at the auditorium and the police were called to escort the JCs out of the auditorium and into their vehicles (Johnson 2016).

The narrative that the JCs are a dangerous cult has been maintained through cult-monitoring websites, cult experts, and YouTube cult busters. In the online realm, cult-monitoring website the Cult Education Institute (CEI) hosts two forums which users have dedicated to collecting information on the group (“‘Jesus Christians,’ ‘cult’, Dave McKay, the ‘Truth Believers’” 2005; “Jesus Christians, the Truth Believers, Dave McKay, Visual Archive” 2007). These forums contain a sizeable cache of uploaded material produced by the JCs, as well as photographs of the group, newspaper articles, and legal documents related to the group. There are also discussions about the activities of the JCs.

The JCs have also had several encounters with Graham Baldwin, who founded the organization Catalyst, which among other things, counsels and provides advice to people who have left or are leaving abusive religious groups (“About Catalyst” 2019). In 2007, the JCs appeared on a The Jeremy Kyle Show (“The Jeremy Kyle Show” 2007) for an episode called “Dangerous Cults, or Religious Communities?” Graham Baldwin was invited as an expert guest to speak about the JCs. The JC website alleges that Baldwin was also involved in the media frenzy that ensued when Bobby Kelly went travelling with the JCs in 2000 (“The Jeremy Kyle Show” 2007).

In the late 2010s, when former JC members turned to YouTube the cult narrative was revived once again when they caught the attention of new anti-cult antagonists. Several videos were produced to “expose” the JCs, which drew on cultic themes of kidnapping, coercion, and deviant beliefs. The most notable example is the “cult-busting” channel Servus Christi, which produced several long expositions on the JCs and their history (Servus Christi 2018a, 2018b). It is interesting to note how the JCs responded to this challenge. The decision to disband in 2010 occurred in part because of the harassment they were receiving from online antagonists. From 2016 onwards, the group re-emerged with new strategies to engage with the public through the online realm. They put a greater emphasis on online engagement, maintained a level of privacy, and presented themselves through a series of channels that appeared disconnected from one another. This did not prevent new antagonists from appearing; however, the JCs’ decentralizing tactics allowed them to minimize the character attacks by their online critics and avoid potentially dangerous situations.

IMAGES
Image #1: The youngest members of the community who successfully walked 1000km across the Nullarbor Desert without supplies or money.
Image #2:  Members engaged in a “bin-raid” or “dumpster-dive” for food and other items.
Image #3: Free Work project signs.
Image #4: Dave McKay receiving twenty-fivelashes of the whip during  “The Whipping Trial.”

REFERENCES

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Publication Date:
25 May 2019.

 

 

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Geraldine Smith

Geraldine Smith is a PhD candidate at the University of Tasmania. Her research interests include religious diversity, interfaith, and new religious movements.

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Soulspring

SOULSPRING TIMELINE 

1968:  Elisabeth Samnøy (later Nordeng) was born.

1971:  Märtha Louise of Norway was born.

2002:  Princess Märtha Louise’s status was reduced by royal edict from “Royal Highness” to “Highness.”

2007 (July):  Astarte Education was founded.

2012 (May):  The school’s name was changed to Astarte Inspiration.

2014 (August):  The school’s name was changed to Soulspring.

2014 (September):  Soulspring hosted a seminar by British medium Lisa Williams.

2018 (September):  The Norwegian press announced the closing of Soulspring for May 2019.

2019 (May):  Princess Märtha Louise announced through her social media that she had found her “twin flame” in Shaman Durek.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Märtha Louise of Norway (b. 1971) is the only daughter of King Harald V of Norway. [Image at right] Although the Salic Law was abolished in 1990, constitutionally granting primogeniture regardless of gender, the alteration was not made retroactive, so that Märtha Louise is still preceded by her brother Haakon (b. 1973) and his children; however, she does have the right to succession. She is a Rosen Method therapist (i.e., a practicioner of an alternative physiotherapy invented by Marion Rosen, 1914-2012), having studied at the Holistic Academy of Oslo (now defunct) as well as in Maastricht, Netherlands. However, she was never professionally active in such fields. Having started her own business in 2002, her status was reduced from “Royal Highness” to “Highness,” and she began paying income tax. In 2002, she married author Ari Behn (b. 1972). The couple had three daughters. They divorced in 2017. The princess is a patron for several organizations; most notably, she is the chairperson of Her Royal Highness Princess Märtha Louise’s Fund, a charitable fund created in 1972 that supports activities carried out by NGOs helping children and youth under the age of sixteen with physical disabilities. The princess is also an experienced equestrian, having been a member of Norway’s national showjumping team for several years (The Royal House of Norway 2018a; The Royal House of Norway 2018b; Soulspring 2019b).

In 2007, the princess announced the foundation, together with her friend Elisabeth Samnøy (later Nordeng, b. 1968), of a center in Oslo called Astarte Education, eventually changed to Astarte Inspiration (2012) and finally to Soulspring (2014), popularly known as “Angel School” (Norwegian: engelskole) (BBC News 2007; Soulspring 2019a). Nordeng was trained to become a ship mechanic (Soulspring 2019c).

Both women claimed that they had paranormal experiences, [Image at right] including communication with angels since childhood (and, in the case of Princess Märtha Louise, with horses). This is how the princess and her partner describe their affinities and their encounter:

[W]e had very similar experiences of feeling different growing up because of our spirituality. Both of us were highly sensitive, taking in everybody else’s emotional and physical tensions. We saw energies around people, we could sense the unspoken truths, and we both had healing hands. To us this was normal; we thought that everybody could sense the same. The shock hit us hard the day we realized that this was not the case.

Trying to adjust to the intellectually steered society surrounding us, we started closing off our sensitivity as much as possible. In this way we turned off our inner navigational systems and started losing our Spiritual Password. We felt disconnected, alone, different, insecure, and energetically drained. Our intellect did not fully satisfy the underlying questions that kept reoccurring with more and more intensity throughout our youth: Is there something more to life than the physical plane we all agree exists? If there is, how do we connect to it and for what purpose? Why do I sense things while others do not?

Trying to get closer to the answer to these questions, we both signed up for the same clairvoyance course, where we participated for two and a half years. To be honest, we did not ‘click’ straight away. We did not click at all, actually. There were fifteen people at the course, and we can remember (with horror, we might add) the three times we tried to strike up a cordial conversation. It was not until the course had ended and we continued doing energy readings with the group that we struck up a conversation one day on the topic of angels and our contact with them. That is when the angels removed a veil between us, and we suddenly saw that we possessed the same humour and had the same dreams of working as spiritual teachers. Going from not managing to complete a sentence to finishing each other’s sentences from one moment to the next was nothing short of a miracle. We understood that we had been prepared for this moment all our lives” (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2013a).

Further details on their encounter are provided in a later piece:

We both met at a clairvoyance course where we learned meditation in the traditional sense, using the seven chakra system. Sitting there, closing our eyes trying to focus inwardly, connecting to the root and crown chakra, we both discovered that it didn’t really work for us. We of course assumed that something was very wrong with us, since it seemed to work for others. It was not until later that we discovered that there are more than one chakra system and that we didn’t have seven chakras at all… (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2013b).

Nordeng narrates about her own experience:

I asked many existential questions from an early age like; What is the meaning of life? Where do I come from? What happens when I die? I never found the answers in my surroundings. Nobody I knew wanted to know the answers to these questions. I felt different and became insecure. In rediscovering the language of my heart through the Spiritual Password, I managed to receive the answers to my questions, I started receiving universal information and inspiration and felt at home and safe in the world, part of a whole” (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014a – original text entirely in italics).

This was Princess Märtha Louise’s experience in her own words:

When I started incorporating the Spiritual Password into my life and actively listening to my heart, it changed my life considerably. From being a full-time equestrian at international level, I became a spiritual teacher and author. The steps I was asked to take were always within what I could manage, although the change was considerable. I now know that when I dare to listen to what my heart tells me, I will always walk my spiritual path, be safe and have immense fun… and just enough challenges along the way.” (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014a – original text entirely in italics)

Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng published several books together (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2009; 2012a; 2012b; 2014f; 2014g; 2017a; 2017b; 2018) and gave readings the world over (TheLocal.no 2015).

According to an entry in the school’s website, the name Astarte (referring to an ancestral Middle Eastern goddess) was received as a form of sudden inspiration by Nordeng during a visit to Medjugorje in spring 2007 (Soulspring 2014).

The shift to the name Soulspring (2014) was explained by the “energy shift on earth after 2012” (Soulspring 2014).  The scholar Asbjørn Dyrendal also hypothesised that the change may have been aimed at underscoring the distance with some former students who had come to the fore in the Norwegian conspiracist scene (Bigliardi 2015).

In 2015, Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng featured in a British TV program alongside with the Pakistani activist, Peace Nobel Prize winner Malala Yousafzai (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014e).

In fall 2018, the press announced that the school, having experienced financial losses, was closing down, and that the princess was about to start a new business enterprise related to horses (Berglund 2018).

In May 2019, Princess Märtha Louise announced through her social media that she had found her “twin flame” in Shaman Durek (b. 1974), Los Angeles based spiritual guide and healer with whom she also embarked on a tour in Norway and Denmark on the same month (Linning 2019).

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

The official web page of the school presented it as a “playground” for self-development with a spiritual dimension, emphasizing that Soulspring was not aimed at providing answers but rather at developing the ability to find one’s own truth. Angels were conceptualised in terms of “energies.”

In the book Meet Your Guardian Angel, the princess and her business partner claim that everything in the world is composed of “energy,” as well as of “physical substance.” They back up their position by referring to Niels Bohr (1885-1962) and Albert Einstein (1879-1955), but also to Bruce Harold Lipton (b. 1944), a controversial American cellular biologist and author who claims that one’s beliefs can influence their genes and DNA (Bruce Lipton 2019). Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng make reference to various concepts such as prana, chi, reiki, as well as to chakra and auras, and they contend that traumas can take the form of muscular tension. Angels are (somewhat elusively) described as manifestations of “universal love” that can take many forms; they communicate differently with different individuals and they are characterised by a certain “frequency” and “force.”  The book illustrates meditation techniques and it also contains recipes for dishes, such as lentil soup (Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng 2009).

While drawing upon concepts, typically encountered in spiritual and “alternative” systems, the Princess and Nordeng also seem to use them according to a personal reinterpretation:

[W]e are seeing more and more indigo children – three chakra systems – or crystal children – one chakra systems – in the world. The term children is not adequate as it refers to grown-ups as well. We would like to rename them indigo people and crystal people. These people are the bearers of the new era and their frequencies. The information on these chakra systems is new and revolutionary, and delving into the information simplifies the understanding of the new times approaching.

Many people who believe they have a seven-chakra system actually do not. Because the indigo and crystal children have such a strong intuition and can sense more than most people, this may frighten people around them” (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2013b).

About the concept of “spiritual password” [Image at right] Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng write:

Each and every one of us comes from the same light where we are all connected, consciously, as part of the Oneness, also described as the Field by Lynn McTaggart [sic – Lynne McTaggart is a US American journalist and author who specializes in “alternative medicine” including anti-vaccinism and “new physics” – Lynne McTaggart 2019]. This experience of Oneness disappears for most people at some point after birth, during their childhood years. The interesting part is that when we let go of it, we are oblivious to the fact that we have lost one of the most sacred and natural connections we possess as human beings: the true connection to the Divine. Through the shutting down of our natural contact to the Divine and our connectedness to ourselves as well as our surroundings, we lose an important key. In this key lies the Spiritual Password; the unique connection to the wisdom of our hearts. The tricky part is that if we realize that we yearn to find the lost key to re-enter the Spiritual Password, thus trying to rediscover our connection to our inner truth, the path seems to be missing. We have lost the way” (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2013a).

Elsewhere they add:

The Spiritual Password is like a language we might not consciously have used for a long time. Using it daily helps us get to the heart of it, and our vocabulary may widen. At first we might get just a slight feeling of peace, for example, when contacting our heart, but when we’ve used the Spiritual Password for a while, it might widen to include a certain color, or maybe an additional message in words or through knowing. The meditation to find the Spiritual Password to the heart only takes a few minutes and can be a great start to the day. The next step is to move from only listening to our heart in meditation to being open to listening to it in everyday life” (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014a).

Other important concepts include self-awareness and mindfulness:

Are there any good tips to help us keep our balance? Think about when you learned to balance as a child; do you remember nearly falling but finding your body’s balance point that allowed you to continue without falling? This is a good way to find peace when juggling everything we have in the air. Breathe slowly, take a step back, find your balance and give yourself a break. Be present in yourself and in the NOW; deal with the life you are living at that very moment. Being you and being present in every situation can be challenging and difficult at times, but it is also an essential element of life (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014d).

Other cultural references on behalf of Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng include African rites and the International Council of Thirteen Indigenous Grandmothers (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014c – see also International Council of Thirteen Indigenous Grandmothers 2019).

RITUALS/PRACTICES

The school offered several courses and “readings” with Nordeng, through which one could get in touch with their “spiritual password.” It organized spiritual travels as well, for instance to South Africa. Online courses were made available and through the web page one could also purchase books and audio books by the founders.

In their writings, Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng placed particular emphasis on individuality:

[W]e will hopefully inspire you to continue on your spiritual path. Because you are the only one who can walk that path. If you don’t, who will? There is simply nobody else who has exactly your experiences and your view of the world therefore no one else can fill your place. You are unique. If you don’t walk your path it simply won’t be used. And we all know what happens with disused paths; they get unrecognizable from all the undergrowth. By being consciously present in your every day [sic] life, you may see your path clearly (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2013a, italics in the original).

This is a process that is different for every person. Usually when we discover the Spiritual Password, it becomes easier to recognize the messages of the heart in everyday life too, though in the beginning, they can be hard to perceive. A feeling, for example, will often be vague, and we won’t recognize it for what it is, because we’ve ignored impulses like this for many years. But if, from now on, every time we get this little nudge we react to it, our heart will know that we’ve started to pay attention and will gradually strengthen the connection. So, the next time we’re in a similar situation, the feeling might be stronger, or we may recognize it more” (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014a)

This may suggest that courses and procedures might have been highly customized and flexible.

Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng also suggest that meditation can be brief and extemporaneous: “Get used to listening to your heart when you have a break during the day, when you’re in the shower or when you’re doing your everyday chores. It only takes a moment” (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014a).

Furthermore, they also suggest an exact prayer:

Here is a little prayer to help you on your way to better communicating with your heart. It is great to say it every morning when you get up, to set the standard — or set the energy — for the day.

Dear heart of hearts,

Thank you for your communication with me.

I am open to listening to you in whatever form you may

communicate, whether it is through feeling, seeing, hearing,

smelling, knowing or tasting. I know communication with you

puts me back on my spiritual path and I thank you for it.

I am safe and dare to be open to my inner light and let it shine

in the world, and I know you can help me with this
(Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014a).

 

A video is available on YouTube of a seminar led in an auditorium (presumably in Germany, since an interpreter provides a translation in German) by Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng who, speaking in English, encourage the audience (mostly women) to take a deep breath, to let go all expectations as well as “all previous memories of angel experiences,” to be “conscious here and now,” to lay a hand on their heart and communicate with it, receiving the answer “within your own language” [sic]. Eventually, they encourage the audience to ask their guardian angel to appear “in front of [them]”; the Princess specifies “let it come in his [sic] own form”: possibly “a breeze […] or warmth, or cold,” or “a loving presence,” or an “image,” or “some words” or “tones”: they should “be sure that this is [their] way and trust it.” She encourages the participants to see if it changes its “color” and to “ask it if it has anything to tell [them] now.” Eventually, Nordeng encourages the participants to let the “light within [their] heart” meet the light within the heart of the angel. She adds “don’t struggle to make it happen, just allow it to make it happen [sic].” She specifies that “it is happening in the physical body” and finally encourages them to let it go emphasising that it is available for them whenever they need it: “you just have to ask for it.” Both the seminar leaders and the participants are normally dressed and seated (in fact, not all participants seem to follow the instructions) and no special bodily occurrence or physical experience seems to happen when they claim that the contact with the angel has been established (inzaneg 2011).

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng referred to themselves in terms that do not suggest that a special leadership is attributed to one of them; furthermore, with the aforementioned emphasis on individuality

they steer away from the impression of posing as role models, although their narratives of initial rejection, rebirth and the like were in all likelihood resonating with School’s sympathizers’ and course participants’ own experiences.

A third person, Carina Scheele Carlsen, served as school manager and spokesperson (Soulspring 2019d).

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Märtha Louise of Norway has often been perceived as an outsider or a misfit in the royal family, in particular because of her unusual activities, such as her media appearances (e.g., she recited folk tales or performed as a soloist singer in a well-known folk choir on television) or her business, but she contributed to such public perception as well by describing herself on multiple occasions as uncomfortable with her public role:

I want to change the world. I have no idea where this desire comes from, but it has always been there. I was, after all, born a princess… For hundreds of years the role of royal families was to raise and cultivate personalities who would take charge and transform their kingdoms. What was my role in all this, I wondered? […]

I have always been a dreamer. Returning to the real world relentlessly felt like a crash landing; there was so much I did not understand. The biggest challenge was trying to read the hidden social codes — the unspoken rules we are expected to obey. Does society have a place for someone like me, and is there a place for my dreams? The answer is yes. Both inside me and in the world. I felt I wanted to inspire people to trust in themselves, to believe in their dreams and dare to make their dreams a reality changing the world.

Thinking these thoughts is a breach in the social code in Norway. We are breaking the Law of Jante (re: the tall poppy syndrome) which states:

You’re not to think you are anything special. You are not to think you are good at anything. You’re not to think anyone cares about you.

We angel-institute-entrepreneurs, know what it is like sticking our necks out founding our spiritual institute, Astarte Inspiration, here in Norway. Many people with new and slightly outside-the-box-kind-of-ideas know it too. If you flag you are different, odds are good you will be chastised, ridiculed, criticized and humiliated by family, friends, co-workers and in the media. People will say your ideas won’t work; they will call you a megalomaniac!” (Princess Märtha Louise and Nordeng 2014b).

The controversy that followed the announcement of the opening of Astarte Education was related to the commercial-cum-pseudoscientific/paranormal character of such an enterprise, and it was criticised as such by skeptics who also recurred to ethical arguments (Tjomlid 2014), but it was also tied to issues at the interface of theology and Norwegian politics (Berglund 2014). The way in which angels were conceptualised by the princess was setting her school apart from Christian/Protestant theology. This posed a specific challenge to the monarchy since the Norwegian sovereign is no longer the formal head of the Norwegian Church, yet he or she is bound by law to be of Protestant confession (Aftenposten.no. 2007; Vg.no. 2007). Märtha Louise was even encouraged in the press to renounce the title of princess (Bt.no. 2007) [Image at right].

Scholars like Asbjørn Dyrendal and Anne Kalvig point out that vocal criticism against both the princess and her business partner, besides being related to the aforementioned issues, may have been fuelled as well by sexist views (Bigliardi 2015).

In 2014, Soulspring hosted a seminar by the British medium Lisa Williams (b. 1973), who allegedly communicated with the dead (Lisa Williams 2019). After some Norwegian religious leaders expressed opposition against Spiritism, Soulspring published the following:

We in Soulspring do not communicate with dead souls in our work. And here is where our work is separate from Lisa’s. To be completely honest, we don’t see the point of contacting the dead. They passed over to the other side for a reason and should be allowed to stay there (TheLocal.no. 2014).

The Royal Family has never commented explicitly or in any detail on Märtha Louise’s angel-related doctrines and activities nor over her performances and enterprises.

IMAGES

Image #1: Princess Märtha Louise.
Image #2: Princess Märtha Louise with Elisabeth Nordeng.
Image #3: Front cover of The Spiritual Password.
Image #4: Princess Märtha Louise’s royal logo.

 REFERENCES

Aftenposten.no. 2007. “Mot kristen tro” [“Against Christian Faith”], July 25 (updated  October 20, 2011). Accessed from https://www.aftenposten.no/norge/i/9KEAd/–Mot-kristen-tro on 8 May 2019.

BBC News. 2007. “Norway Princess ‘Talks to Angels’.” 25 July. Accessed from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6915262.stm on 8 May 2019.

Berglund, Nina. 2018. “Princess to Close Her ‘Angel School’.” Newsinenglish.no, 13 September 2018. Accessed from https://www.newsinenglish.no/2018/09/13/princess-to-close-her-angel-school/ on 8 May 2019.

Berglund, Nina. 2014. “Princess Stirs Up Critic Again.” Newsinenglish.no, July 14. Accessed from https://www.newsinenglish.no/2014/07/14/princess-stirs-up-critics-again/ on 8 May 2019.

Bigliardi, Stefano. 2015. “Angeli e ministri di grazia, difendeteci! Marta Luisa di Norvegia e la sua scuola New Age: gli studiosi Dyrendal e Kalvig a confronto” [“Angels and Ministers of Grace, Defend Us! Martha Louise of Norway and Her New Age School: Scholars Dyrendal and Kalvig in Dialogue”] Query 23:24-34.

Bruce Lipton. 2019. Bruce Harold Lipton website. Accessed from https://www.brucelipton.com on 8 May 2019.

Bt.no. 2007. “Dropp prinsessetittelen, Märtha” [“Drop the Title of Princess, Martha”] August 13. Accessed from https://www.bt.no/btmeninger/leder/i/8PPow/BT-Dropp-prinsessetittelen_-Mrtha#.UfPigG3N6ro on 8 May 2019.

International Council of Thirteen Indigenous Grandmothers. 2019. International Council of Thirteen Indigenous Grandmothers website. Accessed from http://www.grandmotherscouncil.org on 8 May 2019.

inzaneg [YouTube username]. 2011. “Princess Märtha Louise seminar” [sic], May 14. Accessed from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KAklpY_QnJw on 8 May 2019.

Linning, Stephanie. 2019. “Princess Martha Louise of Norway, 47, Takes to Instagram to Announce She’s Found Love with an LA-Based Shaman and ‘Spiritual Hacker’ Who Believes He Can Reverse Aging – Two Years After Her Divorce.” The Daily Mail, May 14. Accessed from https://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-7026707/Princess-Martha-Louise-Norway-reveals-shes-love-shaman-Los-Angeles.html on 27 May 2019.

Lynne McTaggart. 2019. Lynne McTaggart. Best-Selling Author, Journalist and Lecturer website. Accessed from https://lynnemctaggart.com on 8 May 2019.

NRK.no. 2007. “Bør melde seg ut av statskirken” [“She Should Leave the State Church”] July 24. Accessed from https://www.nrk.no/norge/–bor-melde-seg-ut-av-statskirken-1.3025948 on 8 May 2019.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2018. Sensitive barn – det høysensitive barnet fra nyfødt til tenåring [Psychic Children: The Highly Psychic Child from Newborn to Teenager]. Oslo: Cappelen Damm.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2017a. Ditt spirituelle passord – åpne opp for din åndelige kraft! [Your Spiritual Password – Open Up for Your Spiritual Power!]/ Oslo: Cappelen Damm.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2017b. Født sensitiv – våre historier [Born Psychic – Our Stories]. Oslo: Cappelen Damm.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2014a. “Opening Up to Your Inner Wisdom.” Huffington Post, January 24 (updated December 6, 2014). Accessed from https://www.huffpost.com/entry/opening-up-to-your-inner_b_4657026 on 8 May 2019.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2014b. “Changing the World” Huffington Post, February 26 (updated April 28, 2014). Accessed from https://www.huffpost.com/entry/changing-the-world_b_4845896 on 8 May 2019.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2014c. “The Women Who Listen.” Huffington Post, March 25, 2014 (updated May 25, 2014). Accessed from https://www.huffpost.com/entry/the-woman-who-listen_b_5012393 on 8 May 2019.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2014d. “Balancing Act.” Huffington Post, May 23 (updated July 23, 2014). Accessed from https://www.huffpost.com/entry/balancing-act_n_5371895 on 8 May 2019.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2014e. “Woman Who Move the World” [sic], Huffington Post, December 11, 2014 (updated February 10, 2015). Accessed from https://www.huffpost.com/entry/woman-who-move-the-world_b_6304920 on 8 May 2019.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2014f. Stemmen eller støyen – om å være tro mot seg selv [The Voice or the Noise: Being Faithful to One’s Self]. Oslo: Forlaget Press.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2014g. The Spiritual Password: Learn To Unlock Your Spiritual Power. UK: Hay House.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2013a. “The Spiritual Password.” Huffington Post, July  1, 2013 (updated August 30, 2013). Accessed from https://www.huffpost.com/entry/the-spiritual-password_b_3529935 on 8 May 2019.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2013b. “Secrets of the New Energy Systems Revealed.” Huffington Post, September 13, 2013 (updated November 13, 2013). Accessed from https://www.huffpost.com/entry/secrets-of-the-new-energy_b_3920824 on 8 May 2019.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2012a. Englenes hemmeligheter [The Secrets of the Angels]. Oslo: Cappelen Damm.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2012b. The Spiritual Password: Enter Your New World of Bliss. Bloomington, IN: iUniverse.

Princess Märtha Louise and Elisabeth Nordeng. 2009. Møt din skytsengel [Meet Your Guardian Angel]. Oslo: Cappelen Damm.

TheLocal.no. 2015. “Norway’s Angel Princess Launches World Tour,” November 11. Accessed from https://www.thelocal.no/20151111/norways-angel on 8 May 2019.

no. 2014. “Norway’s Princess of the Paranormal under Fire,” September 16. Accessed from https://www.thelocal.no/20140916/norways-princess-of-the-paranormal-under-fire-martha-louise on 8 May 2019.

The Royal House of Norway. 2018a. “Her Highness Princess Märtha Louise.” 29 January. Accessed from https://www.royalcourt.no/artikkel.html?tid=28745&sek=27287 on 8 May 2019.

The Royal House of Norway. 2018b. “Her Royal Highness Princess Märtha Louise’s Fund.” Accessed from https://www.royalcourt.no/artikkel.html?tid=28749 on 8 May 2019.

Soulspring. 2019a. Soulspring website. Accessed from https://soulspring.no/ on 8 May 2019.

Soulspring. 2019b. “Prinsesse Märtha Louise.” Accessed from https://soulspring.no/prinsesse-martha-louise/ on 8 May 2019.

Soulspring. 2019c. “Elisabeth Nordeng.” Accessed from https://soulspring.no/om-soulspring/elisabeth-nordeng/ on 8 May 2019.

Soulspring. 2019d. “Manageren.” Accessed from https://soulspring.no/om-soulspring/manageren-2/ on 8 May 2019.

Soulspring. 2014. “Ærlig navneskifte” [“Honest Change of Name”]. Accessed from https://soulspring.no/aerlig-navneskifte/ on 8 May 2019.

Tjomlid, Gunnar R. 2014. “Rett til å bli lurt?” [“The Right to Be Deceived?”]. Nrk.no, October 2. Accessed from https://www.nrk.no/ytring/rett-til-a-bli-lurt_-1.11964200 on 8 May 2019.

Vg.no. 2007. “Lønning: Prinsessen på kollisjonskurs med kristen tro.” [“Lønning: The Princess on Collision Course with Christian Faith”]. Accessed from https://www.vg.no/rampelys/i/odMqK/loenning-prinsessen-paa-kollisjonskurs-med-kristen-tro on 8 May 2019.

Williams, Lisa. 2019. Lisa Williams. International Psychic Medium, Author, Speaker & Teacher website. Accessed from https://www.lisawilliams.com on 8 May 2019.

SUPPLEMENTARY RESOURCES

Gilhus, Ingvild Sælid. 2017. “Angels: Between Secularization and Re-enchantment” Pp. 139-56 in, New Age in Norway, edited by Ingvild Sælid Gilhus, Siv Ellen Kraft and James R. Lewis. Sheffield, U.K.: Equinox.

Gilhus, Ingvild Sælid. 2014. “Angels in Norway: Religious Border-Crossers and Border-Markers.” Pp. 230-45 in Vernacular Religion in Everyday Life: Expressions of Belief, edited by Marion Bowman and Ülo Valk, Sheffiled, U.K.: Equinox.

Kraft, Siv Ellen. 2017. “Bad, Banal and Basic. New Age in the Norwegian News Press and Entertainment Media.” Pp. 65-78 in New Age in Norway, edited by Ingvild Sælid Gilhus, Siv Ellen Kraft and James R. Lewis. Sheffield, U.K.: Equinox.

Kraft, Siv Ellen. 2015. “Royal Angels in the News: The Case of Märtha Louise, Astarte Education and the Norwegian News Press.” Pp. 190-202 in Handbook of Nordic New Religions, edited by James R. Lewis and Inga Bårdsen Tøllefsen. Leiden: Brill.

The Royal House of Norway. 2011. “Consecration.” Accessed from https://www.royalcourt.no/seksjon.html?tid=29977&sek=27300 on 8 May 2019.

The Royal House of Norway. n.d. “The King’s Constitutional Role.” Accessed from https://www.royalcourt.no/artikkel.html?tid=35248&sek=35247 on 8 May 2019.

Publication Date:
18 May 2019

 

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Stefano Bigliardi

Stefano Bigliardi completed his undergraduate studies in Philosophy (2004) in Bologna, with a thesis about the Kantian elements in the philosophy of language of R. B. Brandom, written under the guidance of prof. E. Picardi. Later on, he obtained a PhD in Philosophy of Science (2008) at the University of Bologna in a joint supervision with the University of Konstanz (Germany), with a thesis about the concept of belief, written under the guidance of prof. M. C. Galavotti and prof. W. Spohn,– leading European experts in the fields of probability and formal epistemology, respectively.  His postdoctoral research complements a Western/analytical  philosophical outlook with the study of Islam and of the science/religion relationship.  His postdoc project was initially supported by a postdoctoral fellowship at the University of Konstanz (Excellence Cluster EXC-16 “The Cultural Foundations of Integration”), where he also worked as a language teacher for five years at the Language Institute (SLI).  He later joined the faculty of CMES at Lund University, Sweden where he served as a researcher and a lecturer. (2011-2013). He has been working at Tecnológico de Monterrey (Campus Santa Fe, Mexico City) as a philosophy teacher (2013-2015). Between 2015 and 2016 he was a Fellow of FIIRD (Foundation for Interreligious and Intercultural Research and Dialogue), Geneva, Switzerland. He is an associate professor of philosophy at Al Akhawayn University.

 

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