Peter Lineham

Peter Lineham has for many years written and lectured extensively on the religious history of New Zealand, although his earliest work, still continuing, was on the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century history of British Protestant sects. His recent work has focused on broader trends in contemporary religion, although he has not lost his fascination with the nineteenth-century adjustment of religion within New Zealand. His most recent book is Destiny: the Life and Times of a Self-made Apostle (Penguin, 2013). He is currently engaged in various projects on new religious movements in New Zealand, and on Brethren, Protestant, Evangelical and Anglican history.

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Gloriavale

GLORIAVALE TIMELINE

1926:  Neville Barclay Cooper was born.

1947:  Cooper, who was twenty-one married his first wife, Gloria, who was fifteen.

1950:  Cooper (later, Hopeful Christian) became an evangelist in Australia.

1967:  Cooper traveled to New Zealand as an evangelist.

1969:  Cooper lead a schism in the New Life Church in Rangiora.

1971:  A Christian school was founded at Springbank farm near Rangiora.

1977:  The Christian Community Church of Springbank founded.

1987:  The Hutterites visited the Springbank church.

1991:  Cooper’s first wife, Gloria, died.

1991:  The community purchased a new site for Gloriavale at Haupiri Valley, on the West Coast.

1993:  Cooper was charged by the police with sexual offenses.

1995:  Sale of the Springbank church was completed.

Mid-1990s:  Neville Cooper adopted a religious name, Hopeful Christian.

1995:  Hopeful Christian was convicted of indecent assault and given a four-year sentence. David Courage served as acting chief shepherd during Hopeful Christian’s incarceration.

2008:  A branch community of Gloriavale was founded in India.

2015:  The Charities Services investigated Gloriavale.

2018:  Hopeful Christian died.

2018:  Three independent trustees were appointed to the Trust.

2020:  Police Operation Minneapolis identified sixty-one young individuals as victims or perpetrators.

2022:  An apology for the abuses was provided to news media.

2022:  The Employment Court ruled that the ex-members of Gloriavale had been employees.

2023:  Howard Temple was charged with illegal sexual acts.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Neville Barclay Cooper was born around 1926, the son of a fruitshop owner. [Image at right] He served as apprentice panelbeater and airforce trainee during the closing days of World War I. He was converted at age twenty-one and then became an evangelist in a separatist Pentecostal group. He married his first wife, Gloria, when he was twenty-one and she was sixteen. Faith was born in 1952, followed by another fifteen children. He became a preacher when he was twenty-three, and established a tent mission “the Voice of Deliverance,” which continued for fifteen years. The growing family lived in a caravan for a period of time. From 1959-1962 they were based in Maryborough, north of Brisbane, and were supported by a church there before moving first to Brisbane, and then in 1965 to Cairns. Cooper undertook a three-month evangelistic tour of New Zealand in the early 1960s as part of the Latter Rain movement, and then moved the whole family to New Zealand in 1967. There he lead evangelistic campaigns within the embryonic New Life Movement. Cooper reportedly lived among Māori people on a marae for a time (Royal Commission 2022:90). Perhaps it was here or somewhere else in the North Island that he served briefly as pastor; he then moved to Rangiora in the South Island, outside of Christchurch. (Royal Commission 2022:41-42; Beale 2009:11-22). In 1969, he broke away from the New Life Movement after tension with the local New Life pastor (Tawara 2017:11-12).

Neville then preached at the St John Ambulance Hall and gathered his first adherents. In 1974, Naomi and Judah Benjamin (Australians who had trained at Faith Bible College in Tauranga) joined the ministry team. Already the group was characterised by modest dress and conservative attitudes and was attracting some notoriety as the “Cooperites.” Faith, the eldest daughter, married Alan Harrison, a teacher, in 1970. Harrison’s family owned property at Springbank, 17 km out of Rangiora and near Cust, and Alan and Faith settled there. When Alan’s parents retired, the couple purchased the property, and they set up a Christian school there. Initially there were initially just twelve students, but others joined, and soon a secondary department was established. Then in 1976, the whole Cooper family moved to Springbank, living on the family homestead, while Faith and Alan built another house. Christmas houseparties were held, and gradually communal living developed, with the initial group of about thirty rising to seventy-five, with each family occupying two bedrooms and singles living in dormitories with a shared kitchen and laundry. (Royal Commission 2022:41; Beale 2009:26-29). Communal life became increasingly regimented, and the community attempted to be self-sufficient. The community became well known in the 1970s for their preaching in Cathedral Square in Christchurch and the instant move of converts into the community. People from Australia, Switzerland, Germany, England, Greece, Canada, and the U.S. and India were attracted to the community (Hostetler 1987).

In 1977, the Christian Church at Springbank was formally established. Some dropped out in the face of the strict rules on dress and women’s role. Among the questioners were Alan and Faith Harrison, and the Benjamins, while Neville’s eldest son Phil, who had fled to Australia, was persuaded to come back. (Beale 2009:32-34). The community became financially successful through manufacturing water beds (Beale 2009:46, 54). Phil Cooper managed this business but became dependent on credit from an outsider. The result was a financial crisis.

Faith and Alan left the community in 1979, even though they owned the land on which the community was based. (Beale 2009:39-41).  They frequently reached out to help others who decided to leave, but the strict rules meant that families broke up, as when Judah Benjamin left (Beale 2009:50). Phil left again, and when his wife would not leave, he kidnapped his five children (Tarawa 2017).

Neville Cooper studied the Anabaptists, Amish, Mennonites and Hutterites. In 1987 members of the Bruderhof were invited to visit, and a group of thirty Cooperites visited their American community. (Hostetler 1987; Beale 2009:57-58). But relationships between the two groups cooled as the Cooperites became ever more separatist.

The decision to move to new property at Haupiri in an isolated part of the West Coast of New Zealand’s South Island was taken because of the growth of the community to about 200 people. 917 hectares were purchased. [Image at right] At Haupiri four multi-storied hostels were built, and the first one was opened in 1999. (Tarawa 2017:16). In 1991, the Christian Church Community Trust was registered. It became very active in dairying deer farming and had six associated companies. It did not receive any welfare benefits or borrow money, and was therefore separate from most state control.

Neville’s first wife Gloria died of a brain tumour in March 1991 (Beale 2009:70); his second wife, Anna, died in 1994 at age eighty. He then married a seventeen year-old the following year. Meanwhile community members had begun adopting Christian names; Neville Cooper became Hopeful Christian.

Sexual practices within the movement emerged as an issue around this time. Hopeful’s son, Phil, presented himself as one of his father’s sexual abuse victims and initiated criminal charges against him. In  1995, Hopeful was tried on eleven counts, including offending against a female member of the community in 1984. (Beale 2009:152-53). Upon appeal, the crown narrowed the charges to three, and so although sentenced to four years in prison, he served only eleven months. (Beale 2009:355). The community was not informed about the basis of the convictions and interpreted the case as state-based persecution. In fact, the charges against Hopeful strengthened the loyalty of the community (Tarawa 2017). One member who asked for details was promptly expelled. When Hopeful returned, he did not immediately resume leadership of the community, but after a few weeks had a revelation and resumed his position (Beale 2009:157).

The community grew significantly over the next ten years, both from new adherents and from a large number of children. Families lived in large community houses. At its height the community numbered some 600 people in about ninety families. There were thirty to thirty-five newborns every year (Hurring 2021:28). The growth of the community led it to open a branch in India in 2008 under the leadership of an Indian member who had joined the group and had married one of the original family members.

Gloriavale lost its leader in 2018 when Hopeful Christian died at age ninety-one. Howard Temple, (Image at right) who was seventy-eight, succeeded him as chief shepherd. Temple was a U.S. citizen who had served in the Navy and was part of the McMurdo expeditions to Anarctica. He had married a New Zealand woman, and was discharged in New Zealand in 1964. He joined the Gloriavale community in 1970, and ran the community’s motor repair shop. He became a shepherd in 1985. In that role, he supervised the Indian community and spent half of his time there. (Royal Commission 2022:35). Temple became involved in later investigations of sexual and physical abuse in the early 2020s (See, Issues/Challenges)

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Gloriavale has a statement of belief (an abbreviated version is available on its website). “What we believe,” which was first written in 1989 by Hopeful Christian and Fervent Stedfast (Royal Commission 2022:31, 45).  Their beliefs are clustered under four headings. Under the heading, “salvation” they profess that the King James Version is the infallible word of God, a six-day creation, the fall, Noah’s flood, the irrelevance of the Old Testament, the rapture will be followed by the tribulation, the millennium, heaven or hell. Salvation requires faith and obedience to Christ’s commands, forsaking everything for Christ. They are Calvinist as regards predestination, but they adopt an Arminian position about the risk that those who fall away will lose their salvation and specify different roles for men and women.

Their doctrine of the Christian life requires the believer to be free from sin, but makes provision for confession and restoration from sin. They look for perfection of spirit, but acknowledge that we do not possess perfection of knowledge. They expect a distinct experience of being filled with the Spirit subsequent to conversion. Separation from the ways of the world includes prohibitions on smoking, drinking and immodest clothing, while games and music are allowed. Sharing of goods is expected, and believers should never be in debt, while surplus money should be given away. Christians are required to keep the law, pay tax, and make provision for future needs, but should never seek public office. Birthdays and the church calendar are not observed, and there is no mandate to keep the sabbath day. Medicine and hospitals are accepted. Ethnicity and culture has no place in the church. (Tarawa 2017:198-201).

Their doctrine of the church identifies the Roman Catholic and Protestant state churches as the harlot church. The true church must leave behind these traditions, and ideally should hold all their goods in common. The true church needs to practice strict discipline against evil, and must excommunicate heretics and those whose lives do not honour the gospel. Leadership is entrusted to men whom church members recognise and honour. Women are to be submissive towards male leaders. Denominational labels are wrong, and believers remain subject to their original church, unless by agreement with it. This doctrine means that conformity to the will of the community is fundamental, and submissiveness is expected. Weekly communion on the first day and baptism by immersion were expected.

The doctrine of the family was the final cornerstone. Marriage occurs when sexual relations commence, and does not require a marriage license. Divorce is not possible. Wives submit themselves to their husbands. Young people are to be married when they are sexually mature, and parents and church leaders play a key role in identifying spouses. Birth control is wrong. Children may be punished by their parents, and parents are responsible for the schooling of their children. Children of believers still have to believe for themselves. Children should be given godly names.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

The influence of the Hutterites and Bruderhof is evident in aspects of the community. Hopeful Christian was deeply concerned that all community members should be equal (Tarawa 2017:14-15). This began with experiments in buying groceries for each other and then in bulk, using a points system (Tarawa 2017:13). So living in Christian community is the central feature of Gloriavale. Their booklet A Life in Common (also available on the web) describes the hostels that they built at Haupiri, with up to eleven families on each floor, with just two rooms for most families except for those with more than twelve members (who were allowed three bedrooms). Meals were eaten in the combined hall, although after 2018, tea was taken on the floor of the residential building with the families on this floor.

Full members signed a Declaration of Commitment, which declared that: “I will never take this Christian community or any person in it or the church at Springbank Trust or any of its board members to any law courts or any other state authority, local body authority or anybody outside this church over any matter but will settle any dispute of any kind with any member of this church only before the leaders and brethren of this church” (Royal Commission 2022:47). A revised commitment (2019) again retained a commitment to “live here for the rest of my life unless the shepherds of this Church ask me to serve Christ elsewhere,” and a declaration:

I believe that the overseeing shepherd and the shepherds of our Christian Church Communities are called and ordained of God and that He holds them in His hand. I willingly submit myself to them in love and faith in every area of my Christian faith and practical life, as they live and teach according to the Word of God, trusting in my heart that God will work out His will overall as I do so. I will neither hold nor teach any doctrine or belief contrary to what they teach. I submit myself likewise in love and faith to all others in authority in this Church and to my brothers and sisters in Christ, esteeming others better than myself.

Signatories agreed to share all money and asserts for Christian partners the Christian Church Community Trust, and agreed that “if ever I wilfully break them, I do so to the peril of my soul” (Gloriavale Christian Community 2019). Making a public commitment was a crucial step for members of the community (Tarawa 2017:167-82). In the case of Lilia Tarawa, her commitment was filmed by television cameras. In 2022 the community was forced to tone down the demands of the commitment.

Baptism was by immersion on profession of faith and admitted people to communion on the first day of the week (Tarawa 2017:72-73). Speaking in tongues was the mark of spirit baptism that might accompany water baptism (Tarawa 2017:74). Children are to be baptised from about age seven and thus become members of the community. At age eighteen people choose to become a partner, and make their commitment to the church and sign the commitment in front of the community (Royal Commission 2022:48). Forsaking of family outside of the community was part of this rule. If someone was put out of the community, then all contact with them ceased. There are strong mechanisms to purify the community, and when forbidden items are found, the community is ordered to repent and forbidden things are surrendered and burnt on threat of hell (Tarawa 2017:136-39).

People were required to live in unity with each other, with extreme pressure on younger people to support the shepherds. Children and women were to be in submission, but the community did not reprove serious cases of abusive physical discipline (Tarawa 2017:106-11). Travel required the approval of the leaders.

By the mid-1980s, members were wearing a uniform copying the Hutterites (Beale 2009:63). [Image at right] Modest dress for females was intended to stop arousing lust in men. Men were not allowed to wear shorts, for the same reason(Tarawa 2017:14-15). Women’s work was generally much more mundane than men’s work, and much more regimented. (Tarawa 2917:19, 57-61).

Gloriavale was active in evangelism, firstly in Cathedral Square in Christchurch in the 1970s and 1980s. One aspect of evangelism was to invite visitors to enjoy the communal life, and it was an attractive feature of the community, with entertainments and special events giving enjoyment to all (Tarawa 2017:140-51). Community members usually were taught to play musical instruments (Tarawa 2017:104-05). Free concerts with choral music have been a feature of the community since it moved to Haupari, with a feast at the end of the concert (Beale 2017:212-13; Hurring  2021:32).

The community is not completely isolated, and the gates of the community cannot easily be shut. They have been featured on television documentaries over many years. They are happy to reach out and welcome visitors, although visitors are supervised. The boundaries are mostly self-regulated. (Hurring 2021:33). The outreach in India seems to have initially been funneled through the Dohnavur Fellowship (a famous charity founded by a British missionary woman, Amy Carmichel in 1902) beginning in 2007, but since 2012 they founded a charitable trust in India. “Faithful Stronghold,” an Indian (formerly Kottapalli Mahesh Babu) who had been part of Gloriavale in New Zealand since 2003 (at the age of twelve), led the Indian community on the land they bought in Tamil Nadu. (See Tarawa 2017:239-40) Features about it were displayed in the most recent TV documentary about Gloriavale.

One very curious feature of Gloriavale is that its extreme fundamentalism is balanced by very contemporary business practices. Although self-sufficiency is the focus, the community did not share the Amish disdain for modern machinery, and consequently trusted members necessarily are active in business dealings (Hurring 2021:32). The community has 2,000 cows in its dairy herd, and they engage in deer farming, guided game hunting, sphagnum moss exporting, meat and offal rendering, air charter and servicing. The home farm of 430 hectares was converted from sheep and beef to dairying. There is a second dairying unit at Glenhopeful nearby, with 500 cows. The business manager has traveled overseas to market their products (Tarawa 2017:17). There also is a helicopter business (Tarawa 2017:17). The helicopter business was used to bring international hunters visit, through Wilderness Quest New Zealand (Tawara 2017:17). The community did not approve borrowing money, but as a result got involved in somewhat shady business practices and were found guilty and ordered to pay reparations of $140,000 in 1993 (Beale 2009:127-28). This case led to more cautious in business practices.

Hurring  (2021:77) observed that the community’s isolation has produced distinctive modes of speech and language within the community, especially among women. He noted that “as Gloriavale becomes more distinct in their identity, the females are actively diverging their speech away from the typical NZE dialect” (Hurring 2021:77).

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

As the community founder, Hopeful Christian was overall leader and overseeing shepherd. According to the “What we believe” (1989), the overseeing shepherd must be obeyed by everyone he oversees in every aspect of life, and he may make any decision on his own and involve as few or as many people as he chooses in making his decision (Royal Commission 2022:54, quoted in the 1989 commitment).

Alongside Hopeful initially was a group of shepherds who were chosen by the overseeing shepherd, including Howard Temple, and David Courage. Later shepherds included Mark Christian (son of Faithful), Samuel Valor and Enoch Upright (Bayer 2021).

Another group, the Servants (seen as deacons), took responsibility for practical aspects of management. After the death of Hopeful Christian, Howard Temple (previously Smitherman) was appointed chief shepherd and chair of the trust. He resigned in 2019 as chair of the trust, and was replaced by Samuel Valour, who resigned in 2022. Samuel Valour was succeeded Luke Valor.

Education was a key link with the state, as it operated under state guidelines and was required to follow the state curriculum, although it was allowed to have its own emphases. The school was led for many years by Faithful Pilgrim. It became quite large with up to 180 children in attendance, and there was a pre-school with primary and secondary departments. Official reports on the school were issued in 1994. 1997, 2004 and 2011. The 2004 report was very positive on the three early childhood centres “Garden of children 1, 2 and 3.” However, there were suspicions that when the inspectors were present the curriculum was altered to appeal to them.

Criticisms of the school became more pronounced in later official reports, and Faithful Pilgrim was forced to step down by 2018. Some of the teachers had training, mostly through the Open Polytechnic or the extramural programme of Massey University. There are eight teachers, including some with a Limited Authority to Teach. (Royal Commission 2022:86). There was no specific teaching on the Māori aspect of the curriculum, even though thirteen percent of children were Māori at one time. In recent years the approach has changed somewhat. Rachel Stedfast, who was born in the community, and had a diploma in early childhood education through Massey University, became acting principal in 2019 (Royal Commission, 36-37) and her desire was to comply with official regulations. The school in 2022 created an advisory committee to respond to concerns.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

There has long been negative attention focused on Glorivale; it has been accused of being a “cult.” There are several sources of the group’s controversial status: Gloriavale through much of its history was extremely insular; former members organized in opposition to the community, which resulted in negative media coverage; and the community and its leaders were involved or implicated in a variety of controversial and illegal sexual practices.

Gloriavale’s insularity has been combined with regimented hierarchical organization and an intense sense of loyalty. One indication of the community’s posture has been its defiant attitude toward external criticisms, which have been rejected as lies. Members have regarded their leaders as infallible: “They’re like God on earth. Whatever they say is what God’s saying” (Crawley 2016). Any hints of dissent within the community have been viewed as spiritual rebellion. Expelled members were swiftly evicted after intense meetings with the shepherds, although some were initially placed in a hut at Glen Hopeful with the hope that they would reassess their unacceptable behavior (Tarawa 2017:244-45). The community also generally imposed strict rules restricting contact with former members, which created traumatic results for divided families.

The growth in a group of leavetakers, as a result of individual exit decisions and expulsions, resulted in both organized, committed dissidents and negative media coverage. [Image at right] The accounts of leavetakers have been extensively reported, and two have written books on their experiences. [Image at right] The media has reported on issues in the community, and there have been several television documentaries as well. There have been some high profile tragedies among leavetakers, including the suicide of Hopeful’s son, Michael. The courts initially became involved occasionally, but very cautiously. For example Dawn Christian/Cooper, who had been abducted by Phil Cooper when he left the group, was returned by court order to her mother, Sandy, in Gloriavale in 2000.

From the outset there have rumours about unconventional sexual practices in the community. These practices ranged from unconventional to troubling to criminal. Hopeful Christian was a strange combination of Victorian and permissive (Tarawa 2017:19). It has been suggested that Hopeful had become concerned, even before the community began, at his children’s naivety about sex (Tarawa 2017:20). Hopeful seems to have felt that people should be less sexually inhibited (Beale 2009:48). So he taught that children should be permitted to observe their parents having sex (Tarawa 2017:21). Hopeful took the view that the state played no role in marriage (although they did abide by the law that sex was illegal between those under sixteen years of age) and that the chief shepherd and parents should choose marriage partners (Tarawa 2017:51-55). There was a custom, at least at one period, that new couples were invited to dinner by Hopeful and Gloria and then were asked to undress while Hopeful lay with the wife and Gloria with the husband, although without any sexual involvement (Beale 2009:47). Marriage ceremonies in the community paused while the couple went to a special room to consummate the marriage and then returned for a celebration. [Image at right] There were also stories of nakedness in the spa pool and couples making love simultaneously in a common room. (Beale 2009:49). Hopeful would apparently sometimes attend the consummation of marriages (Tarawa 2017:54).

While these unusual sexual practices can be traced in the community from its inception, considerable time passed before his son, Phil, who was already alienated from his father, went to the police with the allegation that his father had forced him to mutual masturbation (Beale 2009:126-27). This complaint about Hopeful was initiated after he married a girl of seventeen (Tarawa 2017:21). July 20, 1993 there were raids at both community locations and Hopeful Christian was arrested (Beale 2009:127). In the court case Hopeful Christian was found guilty of assaulting a nineteen year-old woman with a wooden penis shaped object (The Press 1996, November 28 ). Those who accused Hopeful Christian in 1994-1995 were cast out of the community (The Press 2002, August 17.

Since the 1990s inquiries there have been reports that other people in the group were sexually active with minors, and that the community concealed some of these activities. Claims of abuse were dealt with by the community on the basis that they should be handled internally and not taken to the police. Initially Hopeful Christian dealt with these incidents by himself. (Royal Commission 2022:58), but later other shepherds were involved. They would generally require the offender to repent. Victims would then be asked to forgive the offender in front of either the leaders or the whole congregation of adults (Royal Commission 2022:57). The offender would be put out of the community, sometimes for only a short time (although on the second offence offenders were permanently excluded from the community).

In 2019, after the death of Hopeful Christian, the community was faced with both internal disruption as a new leader was chosen, and severe criticisms from the outside including a police investigation. The shepherds agreed at this time to report abuse to the police. (Royal Commission 2022:36, 49-50). The concerns expressed by various government departments were extensive. Charities New Zealand, which registers charities including the Gloriavale Trust, expressed concern in 2015. A team of officials began to make regular visits to the community to hear any concerns.

In 2020, the Police launched Operation Minneapolis and found that sixty-one young people were involved in abusive incidents, including inter-generational abuse, and that the whole culture of Gloriavale was sexualised. It was so widespread that a lawyer present at the Royal Commission hearing reported that she had not found anyone unaware of cases of abuse. (Royal Commission 2022:62).

There were also occasions when physical abuse occurred. During his time in leadership Temple knew of physical abuse in the 1990s. Only with the police investigation did some of these cases get addressed as criminal conduct. The greatest concern by authorities was the community’s encouragement of parents using corporal punishment to discipline children (Royal Commission 2022:68-69). However, the school appears to have continued the practice. Police vetting was a requirement for school teachers in New Zealand, but this requirement apparently was not enforced in the community (Royal Commission 2022:19).

About 200 people have left the community “in recent years.” Given such numbers, the leavers have become more organised, and a Gloriavale Leavers Trust was established in 2015, [Image at right] and Liz Gregory from Timaru was employed to lead it. The leavers have heightened public awareness of the abuses in the community, and they have also focused on the consequences of leavetaking. Effectively, leavers carry virtually nothing with them. The community was required to make special provision for those who decided to leave. The major provision was that leavers were made a grant of $1,000-$12,000 (Gregory and Kempf, 2019). The Leavers Trust provided people in need with clothing and other basics. However, no redress package was set up because the community claimed that it could not afford the expense. Leavers took the community to court over these matters in 2022, and the employment court found that those in the community should be regarded as employees, and therefore were entitled to back pay for their years of service to the community. This ruling seems likely to present the community with a serious financial crisis.

In May 2022, an apology was issued by the community to the Greymouth Star. The letter insisted that much had changed since the death of Hopeful Christian, and that procedures had been introduced to protect current community members. Child labour was no longer being used except for household chores, and the community had cooperated with government agencies to ensure that regulations were obeyed. The community noted that all the commercial businesses paid tax, and workers paid tax on their earnings. An “absolute assurance” was given that sex offenders would not work with children. The community claimed to have contact with Gloriavale leavers and had provided them with support (Apology 2022). Temple claimed that the community has reached out, but that claim has been disputed.

The Community was made one of the six churches of interest in the Royal Commission on Abuse against Children and Dependent Adults. In a hearing devoted to Gloriavale in October 2022, the Royal Commission questioned the doctrines of obedience, unity and submission to elders and men. Howard Temple and Rachel Stedfast gave evidence, and defended the community, while acknowledging that change was necessary. The report of the Royal Commission was then to be prepared.

Gloriavale has a lengthy and complex history. In its origin the group might be seen as a historically typical fundamentalist group withdrawing from what it perceives as the evils of the current church. However, Gloriavale is caught up in a rapidly changing, complex world that is challenging the viability of its way of life. Given the community’s commitment to increasingly contested practices, the presence of organized opposition, and the loss of its founding shepherd, the community faces an opaque future.

IMAGES

Image #1: Neville Barclay Cooper (Hopeful Christian) in his later years.
Image #2: The Gloriavale community.
Image #3: Howard Temple.
Image #4: Gloriavale attire.
Image #5:  Gloriavale Protesters.
Image #6: Marriage ceremony at Gloriavale.
Image #7: Gloriavale Leavers Trust logo.

REFERENCES

Beale, Fleur. 2009. Sins of the father: the long shadow of a religious cult. Auckland: Random House.

Burmeister, H. 2020. The representation of cults/new religious movements in the media. Journalism. Wellington, Massey University. Master of Journalism thesis.

Carr, B. 1992. No grey areas: a rural fundamentalist Christian perspective. Religious Studies. Christchurch, University of Canterbury. Master of Arts thesis.

Clayton, Mark, 2017. “A wing and a prayer.” Aviation Heritage 48/3:128-30.

Crawley, David. 2016. “I believe the truth is here: musings on the Gloriavale Community. Stimulus, 23/2:40-42.

Gloriavale Christian Community. 2019. Declaration of Commitment to Jesus Christ and his church and community at Gloriavale.

Gloriavale Christian Community. 2014. Foundational Scriptures.

Gloriavale Christian Community. 2014. A Life in Common: the Experience of the Gloriavale Christian Community, Haupiri.

Gloriavale Christian Community. n.d. What we believe (a concise summary).

Gregory, L and G; Kempf, B & R, 2019. “Letter to Charity Services,” November 20, with appended list of Categories of concern.

Hostetler, John A. 1987. “New Zealand’s new Christian Community.” Christian Living, Anabaptist Magazine, October, 2-9.

Hurring, G. 2021. Isolation, identity, and gender: an investigation of vowel variation in the Gloriavale Christian Community. Language and Linguistics. Christchurch, University of Canterbury. Master of Linguistics: 106.

Jones, H. 2020. Children’s rights in exclusive religious communities: do they need protecting? Law. Wellington, Victorian University of Wellington. L.L.B. Honours 59.

Lee, Anne 2011. “Discipline and work reward faith-based community” Dairy Exporter, February, 112-117.

Orange, D. 2020. Public religion in the New Zealand memescape. Religious Studies. Wellington, Victoria University of Wellington. Bachelor of Arts Honours Research Exercise.

Pretorius, S.P. 2023. “Is the Gloriavale Christian Community founded on the early Christian church.” Journal for Christian Scholarship, 141-64.

Richter, Anke, Cult Trip: Inside the world of coercion and control, Auckland, HarperCollins, 2022.

Royal Commission of Enquiry into Abuse against Children and Dependent Adults, Transcript of Interview with Howard Temple and Rachel Stedfast, 13 October 2022. Document Library | Abuse in Care – Royal Commission of Inquiry

Sargisson, L. 2004. “Justice inside utopia? the case of intentional communities in New Zealand.” Contemporary Justice Review 7:321-33.

Tarawa, L. 2017. Daughter of Gloriavale. Sydney & Auckland: Allen & Unwin.

SUPPLEMENTARY RESOURCES

Gloriavale Christian Community, Apology, 27 5th Month 2022. Greymouth Star. 27/5/2022.

“Gloriavale, life and death” (TVNZ, August 2015)

“The Awakening”, TVNZ Sunday programme, 2015.

Gloriavale: a woman’s place (TVNZ, 2016).

Gloriavale (documentary, 2022)

On the Gloriavale commune in India, https://indiahap.wordpress.com/2017/04/02/on-the-gloriavale-commune-in-india/

Is there a Gloriavale commune in southern Tamil Nadu? http://indiafacts.org/is-there-a-gloriavale-commune-in-southern-tamil-nadu/

Indian Student sent back. https://www.hindustantimes.com/india/indian-student-in-nz-being-sent-back/story-u8q70AHPFDX5jeRiluRrGL.html

Jehan Casinder, New Gloriavale rising, https://www.pressreader.com/new-zealand/sunday-star-times/20150503/281668253532801

Sensible Sentencing Trust on Neville Cooper https://offenders.sst.org.nz/offender/30503/

Press Christchurch 14 October 2006 [also story about Indian student].

Gloriavale Christian Community ERO review (22/11/2004)

Newspaper references: Joanne Naish, “Gloriavale: a community of volunteers or slaves? Press, 26/2/2022. Lournes, M and Naish, “What we learned about Gloriavale over the last few weeks. Dominion Post, 1/10/2022 A7.

Gloriavale’s grip, New Zealand Listener, 3/9/2022 p 63.

Alanah Eriksen, “Fleeing Gloriavale. ‘I am not a victim’ Bay of Plenty Times 20/2/2021.

Bayer, Kurt, Gloriavale unveiled: what life is really like inside the controversial sect, New Zealand Herald, 20/5/2021 p A10.

Joanne Naish, “Gloriavale workers: volunteers or slaves? Press, Christchurch, 14/11/2020 pp A8-9.

Gloriavale founder dies: death of Gloriavale’s leader is ‘no tragedy’ Press, Christchurch, 16/5/2018 p 13.

Anna Brankin, Moving on from Gloriavale, Te Karaka (Ngai Tahu Magazine) January 2017.

Jarvis, Sarah, Escaping Gloriavale, Dominion Post, 2/5/2015 C1.

Casinder, Jehan, Gloriavale, the hopeful Christian interview Sunday StarTimes, 3/5/2015 p A10.

Penfold, Paula & Bingham, Eugene, Probe on Gloriavale tragedy misled. Press, Christchurch, 17/11/2017 etc.

Escape from Utopia (23 episodes, TVNZ 2024).

Publication Date:
28 April 2024

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Rebecca Janzen

Rebecca Janzen is McCausland Fellow and Professor of Spanish and Comparative Literature at the University of South Carolina in Columbia. She is a scholar of gender, disability and religious studies in Mexican literature and culture whose research focuses on excluded populations in Mexico. Her first book, The National Body in Mexican Literature: Collective Challenges to Biopolitical Control (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2015), explored images of disability and illness in 20th century texts. Her second book, Liminal Sovereignty: Mennonites and Mormons in Mexican Culture (SUNY, 2018), focused on religious minorities. Unholy Trinity: State, Church and Film in Mexico (SUNY, 2021) deals with film and religion in Mexico, and Unlawful Violence: Law and Cultural Production in 21st Century Mexico (Vanderbilt, 2022), is about human rights, law, and literature. The Plett Foundation, the Kreider Fellowship at Elizabethtown College, the C Henry Smith Peace Trust and the Newberry library in Chicago have supported her research.

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Old Colony Mennonites (Latin America)

OLD COLONY MENNONITES TIMELINE

1525:  A group of adult men baptized one another, Zurich; other rebaptisms occurred in the Low Countries. This group was eventually known as Anabaptists (re-baptizers) and Mennonites (after one of the leaders in the Low Countries, Menno Simons).

1560:  A schism occurred among followers in the Low Countries (now the Netherlands and Belgium).

1600s:  Mennonites in the Low Countries migrated to East Prussia (now Poland); Mennonites began to use German in religious services and in schools. Mennonites continued to speak their language of origin, Low German or Plautdietsch, at home.

1789-1803:  Mennonites migrated from East Prussia to Russia (now Ukraine), where they established exclusively Mennonite settlements. The oldest settlement was in Chortitiza or Khortitsa and became known as the Old Colony. Significant divisions among Mennonites in Russia over education and worship music emerged. Mennonites firmly established themselves as agricultural communities.

1870s:  Mennonites migrated from Russia to Manitoba in Canada and Kansas and Nebraska in the U.S. In Manitoba, Mennonites settled on two large tracts of land, the East Reserve and the West Reserve. The group from Chortitza or the Old Colony settled primarily in the West Reserve.

1885:  The villages in the West Reserve, the settlement that originated in Chortitza, formed a single church under a single bishop. They called their church the Reinlaender Mennoniten Gemeinde, and it became popularly known as the Old Colony. This group has refused to accept federal and provincial ideas of how to divide the settlement into villages.

1920:  Leaders in the West Reserve, from the Old Colony or Reinlaender Mennoniten Gemeinde, did not accept Canadian ideas about education. They searched for new homelands. In the

1920s, Old Colony Mennonites migrated to Mexico; in the 1940s, a smaller group migrated to Mexico; in the 1960s, from Canada to Bolivia. Other groups migrated within Latin America.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Old Colony Mennonites trace their origins to the sixteenth century Protestant Reformation in Europe. At that time, major leaders like Martin Luther [Image at right] and Ulrich Zwingli broke with the Catholic Church, emphasizing the importance of the Bible and salvation, respectively. Several groups across Europe sought further reforms.

Those who later took the name Mennonite or Anabaptist draw many of their convictions and behaviors from the Swiss Brethren. A group of men in Zurich, including Felix Manz and Conrad Grebel, decided that the other reformers had not gone far enough. In 1525, they baptized one another upon confession of a new faith, meaning that they were re-baptizers, or Anabaptists. At or around the same time, people were gathering in the Low Countries (what are now Belgium and the Netherlands) and professing similar beliefs and engaging in similar religious rituals. Menno Simons [Image at right] was a prominent organizer of these groups of people and Mennonites draw their name from him.

In 1560 in the Low Countries, Anabaptists or Mennonites began to formalize their beliefs through a catechism and rules of church life. The central questions for these early Mennonites were how to live together as a community (Gemeinde), how to mark differences between those who belonged to the group and those who remained outside of it, and how to deal with members who failed to uphold these religious and social norms (Werner 2016:122-23; See also Plett 2003).

The first schism among these Mennonites occurred at that time, between Frisian and Flemish factions, from Frisland, today part of the Netherlands, and Flanders, today part of Belgium. Historians have described the divisions as over questions of Flemish community responsibility vs. Frisian individual responsibility; Flemish community pietism or religious devotion vs. Frisian individual pietism; the quantity and quality of household goods (Flemish) and dress (Frisian) or simply as conservative vs. progressive. While these twenty-first century categories do not do justice to sixteenth century lifestyles, from the twenty-first century vantage point, it is clear that early Anabaptists followed their leaders in continually striving for reform. As historian Hans Werner observes, while technology and fashion are the visible expressions of belief, the central questions are around community behavior and how to deal with a community member who is not behaving appropriately (Werner 2016:123). In other words, when a group begins by saying that none were Christ-like enough, except for their own group, it has ripple effects for the next five centuries.

Mennonites in what is now Switzerland and South Germany as well as Mennonites in the Low Countries faced significant persecution for their beliefs, particularly in refusing infant baptism and refusing compulsory military service. The solution for both groups was migration. Many of the Swiss Brethren immigrated to what is now the United States in the 1683, at the invitation of William Penn, who invited many non-majority religious communities (like Quakers) to what is now Pennsylvania. Today, their most visibly distinct descendants became what we know as Old Order Amish and Old Order Mennonites (Kraybill, Johnson-Wiener and Nolt 2013). They, like many other immigrants from German-speaking parts of Europe became part of broader Pennsylvania Dutch or German culture; today Old Order people still speak Pennsylvania Dutch. Some members of these groups immigrated to what is now Canada after the U.S.’ War of Independence from Great Britain, in 1786.

The Mennonites from the Low Countries, including those who are today known as the Old Colony Mennonites, also experienced significant migrations. While some Mennonites remained in the Netherlands (and continue to gather as religious communities today), in the late seventeenth century, a larger group migrated to East Prussia, now Poland. Between migration and 1789, the most important development for Old Colony Mennonites is that Mennonites adopted German as their religious language. They began using a German hymnbook called the Gesangbuch and Luther’s translation of the German bible. [Image at right] Their catechism, which governed community life, was written in German (Neff and Bender 1953.3). It becomes the language of church services, baptisms, weddings, and funerals. Another important element of this century (as it pertains to Old Colony Mennonites) is that the Mennonite communities in Prussia continued to speak Low German or Plautdietsch at home. This was not unlike other Protestant religious communities in the Prussian empire – who may have used Luther’s Bible and its standardized German for written communication, especially across regions, and who maintained their own language at home.

In 1789, Mennonites migrated again, this time to the Russian empire, near what is today Ukraine. Some Mennonite communities remained in East Prussia and Poland until the middle of the twentieth century, largely emigrating after World War Two. The most important development for Old Colony Mennonites is that community life became structured into separate agricultural settlements called colonies, where Mennonite men were exempted from mandatory military service, and where Mennonite children were educated in German by Mennonite teachers. These colonies, so named because of the Russian empire’s desire to promote group settlements, had their own civil and religious leaders who negotiated with imperial authorities on behalf of the entire colony. The first group of primarily Flemish Mennonites migrated to Russia to found the Chortitza or Khortitsa colony in 1789, and a second migration of primarily Flemish Mennonites migrated to Russia to found the Molotschna colony in 1803. As the communities were predominantly agricultural, land was an ongoing issue, and the Chortitza colony founded the Bergthal colony in 1835. Both colonies founded multiple other settlements.

Over the next century, several important changes within and outside the Mennonite colonies occurred, all of which have continued to affect the people we call Old Colony Mennonites. There were significant internal conflicts over education and over how to sing in church and therefore how to teach singing in school (see the section on religious rituals). The outside influence came in the form of pietism, a religious belief that emphasizes personal conversion, that is, a moment where one makes a cognitive assent to a new series of beliefs. This led to the emergence of the Mennonite Brethren church in Russia, which adopted immersion baptism and choral singing.

These conflicts around how to live together as a community in relation to the broader world were solved for some, by accepting Russian in schools, and for others, by migration. Mennonite leaders explored options in the new states of Kansas and Nebraska in the United States and the new province of Manitoba, in Canada. 11,000 people immigrated to the USA. They were more progressive, largely from the Molotschna colony, and were willing to adopt some but not all of the changes imposed by the outside government. They no longer lived in large tracts of land only inhabited by members of the same religious tradition, with their leaders. Indeed, they lived in towns with Mennonites who immigrated from Pennsylvania, as well as migrants from the Eastern U.S. and immigrants from other countries.

 

A portion of the 8,000 Mennonites who immigrated from Russia to Manitoba would become the Old Colony Mennonites. They were from the Chortitza colony and its “daughter” colonies, and so were already predisposed to preserving community boundaries, especially around education. They settled in two block settlements, which they called the East Reserve and the West Reserve. Both settlements were made up of villages entirely composed of Mennonites, and a Bishop was the sole leader of each Reserve. The East Reserve organized under a bishop in 1873, and the West Reserve, in 1875. Those in the West Reserve called their church the Reinlaender Mennoniten Gemeinde (Zacharias 2011:45-48). They were also most intent on preserving their community boundaries through education and singing in church. Moreover, the settlers in the West Reserve ignored the Manitoba government’s municipal divisions and lived under the authority of the Bishop. In 1880, the two groups officially separated. The Reinlaender Mennonite Gemeinde members on the West Reserve were popularly called Old Colony, because they had come from the oldest Mennonite settlement in Russia.

The Old Colony were the most conservative of the Mennonites in Manitoba, meaning that they were the most determined to follow a separate and more communal way of life: they wanted to live in street villages on a block of land by themselves and run their own affairs; they were firm in resisting all governmental overtures about teaching English in their schools; and they had strict dress codes and rules about the use of technology. (See section on education) Today most Old Colony Mennonites live in Latin America and most white Mennonites with roots in the Dutch-Prussian-Russian migration who live in countries like Mexico, Bolivia, and Belize, belong to Old Colony Mennonite churches.

There are differences even among the churches that carry this name. The biggest distinction has been between those who use electricity at home and in their businesses, and who rely on their own personal vehicles with rubber tires (that is, cars and trucks as opposed to horse and buggy) for transportation. Other distinctions can be made around issues of education, but those would be between Old Colony Mennonites who use electricity and those who do not. Music also continues to be a dividing line, where the Old Colony Mennonites who use horse and buggy for transportation usually singing slower melodies and those who use electricity, singing faster melodies. These groups, however, use the same hymnbook for their songs, the same translation of the Bible, and the same catechism to outline their beliefs and rules for community life.

There are some variations among white, Low German speaking Mennonites who historically held church services in German (today may hold services in Low German). Some of this is because of migration, and some of it is because of evangelization. The migration timeline (divided by country) will expand on this in detail.

In Paraguay, for instance, there are some Old Colony Mennonites (see below). Large numbers of Mennonites immigrated from the Molotschna colony in Russia and then from the Soviet Union to Paraguay in the 1920s and 1940s. They established Mennonite and Mennonite Brethren Churches. A small group immigrated from the West Reserve of Manitoba (who had originally come from the Bergthal colony in Russia) and were conservative but not Old Colony Mennonites in the 1920s. These Mennonites live in their own settlements with their own secular leaders, colony businesses, religious leaders, and schools. People in these colonies all speak Low German and hold church services in German, and today are part of religious denominations that have German, Spanish and Guaraní-speaking members.

A small number immigrated from the Soviet Union to Mexico at the same time, establishing Mennonite Churches there. Then in 1948, a small group of Kleine Gemeinde (conservative but not Old Colony Mennonites) immigrated from Canada to Mexico. Old Colony Mennonites joined these denominations.

From evangelization: Old Colony Mennonites have joined some of the more progressive German-speaking Mennonite denominations in countries where they exist (Paraguay and Mexico), or Low German speaking evangelical denominations. In recent decades, more progressive Amish, and Old Order related groups (Nationwide Fellowship, Beachy Amish, etc) have evangelized Old Colony Mennonites. Some Mennonite-related denominations in Germany have also set up churches and schools among Old Colony Mennonite settlements (Journal of Mennonite Studies 2004; 2013, 2022).

The migration timeline generally indicates that those who migrate or remain in Northern areas (such as Northern Mexican states of Chihuahua and Durango, as well as the United States and Canada) are less traditional Old Colony Mennonites or have left that religious group. Those who migrate South are those who are the most committed to maintaining a traditional lifestyle.

1920: After World War I (1914-1918), Canadian provincial governments passed laws making attendance at English language public schools compulsory. Since most Old Colonists would not send their children to such schools, they had to pay fines. They also sought new homelands. Old Colony and Bergthaler Mennonite leaders from Canada visited Mexico and Paraguay. In Mexico, Old Colony leaders negotiated with representatives from then-president Álvaro Obregón. He assured them of complete freedom in the education of their children, control over their own affairs and exemption from military service and from swearing oaths. One reason why Obregón agreed to their requests is that Mexico was still in the midst of a revolution (having established itself via constitution only in 1917), and so as the leader, Obregón wanted to attract good farmers and loyal subjects in northern Mexico. These areas had become depopulated during the revolution and were places where many people were loyal to other revolutionary leaders (Nugent 1993:112; Janzen 2018:61-82).

In 1922, 6,000 Low German speaking Old Colony Mennonites, along with smaller numbers of Bergthaler Mennonites, from Manitoba and Saskatchewan, migrated to the Mexican states of Chihuahua and Durango.

In 1948, small numbers of Old Colony Mennonites and Kleine Gemeinde migrated to Mexico.

During the 1950s, Old Colony Mennonites who had access to Canadian citizenship began migration to Canada for summer farm labor, and permanent settlement, especially in Southwestern Ontario, Southern Alberta and Southern Manitoba. This was due to decades of drought, farming technologies that had worked in Canada being unable to adapt to Mexico. Large families led to constant pressures to find more land; more people moved back to Canada to escape poverty (Friesen 2004:131-44). Some people wanted schools that provided more than six years of education with a limited, German language, Bible focused, curriculum; and new church groups began to appear.

There has been considerable Old Colony migration within and between nations over the last century:

Over the course of the twentieth century, there was some expansion into neighboring states of Zacatecas and Tamaulipas.

During the 1970s, there was migration to Texas in the United States.

Through the 1990s, internal and external migration took place on a greater scale. After the North American Free Trade Agreement was signed and put into effect in 1994, all but one colony in Northern Mexico adopted electricity. This coincided with a period of massive economic instability in Mexico, the beginning of the so-called War on Drugs. It led to significant out-migration for more conservative (i.e. non-electric, horse-and-buggy) Old Colony people to other colonies in southern Mexico (Campeche), Belize, and Bolivia, leaving deep divisions within colonies and families.

In 2020, Sabinal, the last non-electric colony in Northern Mexico, adopted electricity. This resulted in many colony members migrating to Campeche.

In 1958, Old Colony Mennonites migrated to British Honduras, which is now Belize. There currently are very traditional colonies, as well as less traditional Old Colony settlements, and other types of Mennonites.

In the 1990s, a group of Kleine Gemeinde Mennonites with Old Colony background migrated from Belize to Nova Scotia, Canada.

In the 1960s, large numbers of Old Colony Mennonites migrated to Bolivia from Canada (1967) and Mexico (at various points throughout the decade).

In the 1980s and 1990s, Mennonites in Belize migrated to Bolivia.

During the 1920s and 1940s, Mennonites migrated from Canada and Russia/the Soviet Union to Paraguay. They established colonies but are not Old Colony Mennonites.

In the 1990s, Old Colony Mennonites from Mexico established their first colonies.[[x]]

In the 1980s, Mennonites from Mexico establish colonies in Argentina.

In 2016, Old Colony Mennonites from Mexico established colonies in Colombia.

In 2017, Old Colony Mennonites from Bolivia and Belize migrated to Peru and founded four colonies.

In the 2020s, Mennonites from Bolivia establish colonies in Angola.[[xi]] 

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Old Colony Mennonites, like other Mennonite and Anabaptist Christians, believe in community, and adult participation in a community of faith after joining it via baptism. They, like Old Order Mennonites and Amish, take very seriously the idea of maintaining a community that is separate from the surrounding world, with implications for military service and education.

A fundamental aspect of Old Colony Mennonite life is living in a separate community, where children learn the catechism in separate schools so that they can participate in this separate community as adults. Therefore, religious practices, education and beliefs are intertwined.

The beliefs are best represented by the Elbing catechism, which demonstrates multiple similarities with other Christians, in particular, with other Protestants. Old Colony Mennonites profess belief in the Trinity, that God is revealed in the Bible, the idea of heaven after death, a final judgment from a divine power, and ideas about sin and salvation. The catechism also stresses the importance of a community of believers, the necessity of living in this community to perhaps go to heaven after death. Some distinct practices include adult baptism, refusing to say oaths, and refusing military service. These and other non-Christian behaviors can lead the community to ban a member (“Elbing Catechism” 2021).

In practice, Old Colony men elect male ministers for individual congregations, and a male bishop to supervise a group of churches. According to John J. Friesen, un-ordained lay members do not play public roles or have a say in church matters; rather, they participate in the religious life of the community by living by its norms. The norms address many areas of life, including military service, dress, lifestyle, modes of transportation, vocations, sexual relationships, conspicuous consumerism, and interpersonal relationships.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Old Colony worship services involve many elements common in other Christian churches: singing, Bible reading, prayers, and a sermon. These services are held in plain buildings without significant information regarding service times written down anywhere. They begin as early as 8:00 AM. Men and women sit on opposite sides of the church. People bring their German, gothic script hymnbooks (or Gesangbuecher) with them. [Image at right] To sign, the congregation follows the Vorsaenger or song leader and group of male song leaders. The vorsaenger give a hymn number, and then start singing a line, and then the congregation joins in without any instruments to accompany them. The more conservative Old Colony churches will sing a slower melody, called Langewiese, or Aulewiese, that some have compared to Gregorian chanting; other Old Colony churches, meaning those who’ve accepted some of changes, use a melody that is a little less slow. It is called Kurzewiese. According to Hans Werner “The Ole Wies was never meant to be a performance of aesthetically pleasing sound, but rather was an/ emotional coming together of individuals in a communal act of worship” (2016:129-30).. In my experience the Kurzewiese has a similar effect.

Old Colony worship services have two silent prayers for which the people kneel. The minister reads a sermon in German, having written it himself or taken from earlier ministers. The ministers wear particular clothing: black suit pants, shirt and coat, no tie, and boots. The reason for the boots lies in Ephesians 6:15. In English it says “As shoes for your feet put on whatever will make you ready to proclaim the gospel of peace,” In the German version of this verse the word for shoes is boots.

Old Colony people celebrate communion twice a year. The church emphasizes that before people come to communion, they needed to “make things right” with one another (Friesen 2004:136).

Old Colony Mennonites celebrate most Christian holidays, emphasizing Easter, Pentecost and Christmas, which are celebrated with multiple church services, and no school for children. They  consider Epiphany and Ascension to be minor holidays, celebrated with a single day of church (Wall 2017).

Children learn the catechism, Bible, and rudimentary writing and arithmetic in order to join the church in adulthood (Crocker 2016). Young adults must be baptized before marriage, and must prove they have memorized the catechism before baptism. Engagements are celebrated two weeks before marriage, and typically in the bride’s home. Weddings take place in church, at the end of a church service.

Funerals are similar to other church services. A trajchtmoake or bone setter will usually be the community midwife and undertaker. She will prepare the body for burial, and lay the deceased person’s body out at home. Sometimes family members may take photographs of the body (even in the groups that shy away from photographs) as it may be difficult or impossible for all family members to attend the funeral.

Each colony has its own restrictions on dress. Old Colony women typically wear mid-calf length dresses with stockings (for women) and socks (for girls). Women also wear black kerchiefs. The way she wears a kerchief, and if it has a print, embroidery or painted design, likely indicates the colony she comes from. Many Old Colony girls only wear head coverings after they are baptized, which usually occurs a short time before marriage. For their daily life, say working in the garden, the women would wear sun hats over kerchiefs. Women and girls are not allowed to cut their hair or wear makeup or jewelry. Some less traditional Old Colony Mennonite girls may cut their hair. All women who wear kerchiefs protect their hair with intricate braids.

More traditional Old Colony Mennonite men wear homemade overalls and shirts, and less traditional ones would wear jeans and button-down shirts. For work they may wear Mexican or Southwestern style cowboy hats, or baseball caps, depending on their colony and country of origin. Young men who have not yet been baptized might have flashy belts. Men are clean shaven with short hair.

Old Colony Mennonites speak Low German or Plautdietsch, which originated in the Low Countries, and, over five centuries of migration, includes vocabulary and linguistic structures from the surrounding cultures. The language is generally not written but it is their primary language for daily conversation. It has some similarities to Pennsylvania Dutch but, as with the Amish and Old Order Mennonites in states like Ohio, Indiana or Pennsylvania. The Bibles, hymnbooks, and catechism of the Old Colony Mennonites are in standard German. Old Colony schools are also primarily in German.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Old Colony Mennonites in Latin America today have a distinct community structure. They live in a similar way as Mennonites in eighteenth and nineteenth century Russia, which nineteenth  century Canadian bishops discussed in their sermons. The first Old Colony bishop in Manitoba, Johann Wiebe, [Image at right] preached sermons about community organization (Friesen 2004:132). He established the importance of church leaders as independent from civil authorities. The church bishop should control its “secular” elements, that is, he would vet the colony Vorsteher or secular leader.

Men in Mennonite colonies in Mexico currently can vote for their Vorsteher regardless of church affiliation. A bishop  or a group of bishops (depending on colony size) will be appointed to oversee all the churches in a colony. Each village will have a church and a religious school. The church will have its own preacher or minister, a deacon (to oversee social welfare), a song leader and then men who sing with him. The village will also have a teacher who has to be a church member, as the (usually male) teacher instructs children in their hymnbook and catechism to prepare them to be church members. In some colonies a Waisenamt oversees social services such as homes for people with disabilities, homes for elderly people and drug and alcohol rehabilitation centers. In some colonies missionary organizations partner with these programs. Historically the Waisenamt also functioned as a type of credit union, offering loans to community members.

Old Colony Mennonites in Latin America currently live in colonies on the large blocks of land. Each colony is composed of darpa or street villages. A village is essentially a very long street, with houses, barns, a school, and most of the time, a church (if the village is smaller, a couple of villages will share the same church). Crops or orchards are often at some distance from their homes. But in the early decades many became very poor. Crops that had worked well in Canada did not work so well in Mexico; markets were uncertain, it seemed that they had bought land that was not actually the seller’s to sell, and other problems (Janzen 2018:61-82). But in some ways their vision held.  Everyone in a given colony belonged to the same church; the church was led by a bishop and a council of ministers; they regulated many aspects of life in the colony. For example, farm tractors with rubber tires were prohibited, and the village schools were carefully controlled.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

There are many issues that face Old Colony Mennonites in Latin America. One is the effects of several generations of migration, between colonies in search of a more appropriate religious future, or back and forth to Canada for summer work, or for those who live close to the U.S. border, working as undocumented people for Old Colony Mennonites in Texas, or other Mennonite communities in Kansas, Nebraska and Oklahoma.

Constant migration creates insecurity, as does the security situation in many parts of Latin America, most notably in North-Central Mexico. Some Mennonites have been kidnapped, with the earliest case documented in Mexico in the 1970s (although this person was not a descendant an Old Colony Church member). Mennonites have been involved in drug-trafficking at lower levels and there have been some high-profile arrests.

Another issue relates to land ownership. In many places, Mennonites (as foreigners) were not able to own their land and so entered land lease agreements with governments. In other instances, once members had gained access to the new country’s citizenship, they purchased land from sellers who may have been misrepresenting themselves as landowners, or land that was under dispute in a land redistribution program. In several cases in Mexico, Indigenous people refused to leave land that was theirs until armed forces removed them, in the 1920s, the 1960s and the 1970s (Janzen 2018:75-82).

Other issues relate to agriculture. As an overwhelmingly agricultural and rural community, Old Colony Mennonites need to purchase more land for their large families, and this land may not be suitable to the type of farming to which they are accustomed (Nobbs-Thiessen 2020). They may also, as in several cases in Northern Mexico, be reputedly drilling too many wells that are far too deep, for agricultural purposes, and thus endangering the future of the region. In Southern Mexico, and perhaps in other places, they are engaged in significant deforestation. Not only is this environmentally devastating, it also destroys the sacred places of their Maya neighbors (Akerson, Kehler and Reynar 2004; Beilin and Weinstein 2022).

There are also issues that arise because most Mennonites cannot communicate with their neighbors. This affects women particularly, as they do not have business contacts and thus less practice with colloquial Spanish, and is particularly challenging when they are having children and using, for example, publicly available health care. This also happens in encounters with the police as there are only a limited number of Low German-Spanish interpreters.

There are very high-profile cases of violence in women’s lives, most notably in Bolivia, which Miriam Toews and Sarah Polley represented in a novel and a film, Women Talking (Toews 2018; Polley 2022). These events pose a challenge to all Mennonite colonies in Bolivia (Kinch 2023; Friedman-Rudovsky 2013; Janzen 2016; Pressly 2019).

The history of Old Colony Mennonites and their current operation suggest that they will continue despite ongoing challenges.

IMAGES

Image #1: Martin Luther.
Image #2: Menno Simons.
Image #3: Gothic script hymnbooks (Gesangbuecher).
Image #4;  Johann Wiebe and is wife.

REFERENCES

Akerson, Lars, Tina Fehr Kehler and Anika Reynar. 2024. “The Meaning of Seeds: Groups Seek Mutual Wellbeing amid Maya-Mennonite Tensions.” Canadian Mennonite 28.4, February. Accessed from https://canadianmennonite.org/stories/meaning-seeds on 2 March 2024.

Beilin, Katarzyna and Avi Paul Weinstein, directors. 2022. Maya Land: Listening to the Bees, FelixMundo Production, 1 hr., 8 min.

Cañas Bottos, Lorenzo. 2008. Old Colony Mennonites in Argentina and Bolivia: Nation Making, Religious Conflict and Imagination of the Future. Leiden: Brill.

Crocker, Wendy. 2016. “Schooling across Contexts: The Educational Realities of Old Colony Mennonite Students.” Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies 4.2:168-82.

“Elbing Catechism.” 2021. Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online, 1778. Accessed from https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Elbing_Catechism&oldid=172028 on 2 April 2024.

Friedman-Rudovsky, Jean. 2013. “The Ghost Rapes of Bolivia.” Vice, December 22x. Accessed from https://www.vice.com/en/article/4w7gqj/the-ghost-rapes-of-bolivia-000300-v20n8 on 25 March 2024.

Friesen, John J. 2004. “Old Colony Theology, Ecclesiology, and Experience of Church in Manitoba.” Journal of Mennonite Studies 22:131-44.

Hamm, Blake. 2023. “Low German Mennonite Migration: A Geopolitical Framework and History.” Journal of Mennonite Studies 41.2:111-146. Accessed from https://www.plettfoundation.org/files/preservings/Preservings22.pdf on 2 March 2024.

Janzen, Rebecca. 2018. Liminal Sovereignty: Mennonites and Mormons in Mexican Culture Albany: SUNY Press.

Janzen, Rebecca. 2016. “Media Portrayals of Low German Mennonite “Ghost Rapes” Challenge the Bolivian Plurinational State.” A Contracorriente 13.3:246-262. Accessed from https://acontracorriente.chass.ncsu.edu/index.php/acontracorriente/article/view/1401/2700 on 2 March 2024.

Journal of Mennonite Studies 22 (2004), 31 (2013) and 41 (2022).

Kinch, Eileen. 2023. “Keepers of the Old Ways: Colony Mennonites in Bolivia Preserve Tradition, Innovate as Numbers Grow.” Anabaptist World, October 27. Accessed from https://anabaptistworld.org/keepers-of-the-old-ways/ on 2 April 2024.

Kraybill, Karen M. Johnson-Wiener and Steven M. Nolt. 2013. The Amish. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Neff, Christian and Harold S. Bender. 1953. “Catechism.” Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Accessed from https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Catechism&oldid=174931 on 2 April 2024.

Nobbs-Thiessen, Ben. 2020. Landscape of Migration: Mobility and Environmental Change on Bolivia’s Tropical Frontier since 1952.Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Nugent, Daniel. 1993. Spent Cartridges of Revolution: An Anthropological History of Namiquipa, Chihuahua. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Plett, Delbert, ed. 2003. Preservings 22. Accessed from https://www.plettfoundation.org/files/preservings/Preservings22.pdf. on 25 March 2024.

Polley, Sarah, director. 2022. Women Talking Orion Pictures, Plan B Entertainment and Hear/Say Productions, 1 hr. 44 min.

Pressly, Linda. 2019. “The rapes haunting a community that shuns 21st Century.” BBC News, 16 May. Accessed from https://www.bbc.com/news/stories-48265703 on 25 March 2024.

Toews, Miriam. 2018. Women Talking. Toronto: Knopf.

Wall, Anna. 2017. “Dead Butterflies in Mexico,” Mennopolitan, June 29. Accessed from http://www.mennopolitan.com/2017/06/dead-butterflies-in-mexico.html on 2 April 2024.

Werner, Hans. 2016. “Not of This World: The Emergence of the Old Colony Mennonites,” Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies 4.2:121-32. Accessed from https://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/amishstudies/vol4/iss2/2/ on 2 March 2024.

Zacharias Peter D. 2011. “Biography of Johann Wiebe, (1837-1905), Rosengart.” Pp. 45-48 in Old Colony Mennonites in Canada 1875-2000, edited by Delbert Plett. Winnipeg, MB: D.F. Plett Historical Research Foundation, Inc.

Publication Date:
26 April 2024

 

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Christine M. Sarteschi

Dr. Christine M. Sarteschi, LCSW is a Full Professor of Social Work and Criminology at Chatham University in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. She is a fully licensed clinical social worker and serves as a victim’s advocate with the Cold Case Foundation. She has been a consultant to police agencies involving criminal cases. Her current research efforts focus on extremism including sovereign citizens and related extremist groups. Dr. Sarteschi has an extensive publishing record spanning both scholarly academic papers and those written more broadly for the public. She has published empirical articles, and two detailed research on extreme violence as well as sovereign citizens. Her recent work examines the intersection of QAnon and the sovereign citizen movement and the social phenomenon of Romana Didulo, a self-appointed QAnon figure who falsely believes she is the queen and president of Canada. She also has written articles published in the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, Just Security, Salon, New York Daily News, Homeland Security Today, MedPage Today, New York Law Journal, The Legal Intelligencer, New Jersey Law Journal, and Texas Lawyer. Dr. Sarteschi’s work has been featured in a number of national and international news outlets and documentaries and she has been quoted in The Associated Press, Rolling Stone, USA Today, The Daily Beast, The IndyStar, The Salt Lake Tribune, The Boston Globe, CBC, BBC, Stuff, Newsweek, Asia Times, among others.

 

 

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Romana Didulo

ROMANA DIDULO TIMELINE

1974 (November 5):  Romana Didulo was born in the Philippines.

1984:  Didulo’s father passed away.

1985:  Didulo’s mother passed away.

1990 (July 25):  Didulo moved to Vancouver, Canada to live with family.

2000 (June 19):  Didulo was recognized for her cleanup efforts as part of her work with the West End Neighbours in Action.

2006:  Didulo was featured in a magazine article as the president and CEO of Global Solutions Canada, a human resources corporation that focused on the labour shortage facing the energy sector.

2020:  Didulo identified herself as the founder and leader of the “Canada 1st Party of Canada.” The main goal of the Party was to dissolve “All Natural Parties…and to eliminate “globalists and Communists.”

2021 (February):  Didulo joined Telegram, an alternative social media platform popular among conservatives banned from more mainstream platforms, such as Facebook.

2021 (May):  Didulo had amassed approximately 20,000 followers on Telegram. She referred to herself as “Sovereign Head of State” and “Commander-in-Chief of the Sovereign Republic of Canada.”

2021 (June):  Didulo gave herself new titles including “Head of State” Commander-in-Chief,” “Head of Government of Canada,” and “Queen of Canada.”

2021 (June):  Didulo added two new tag lines to her Telegram signature: the QAnon slogan “where we go one we go all” (#WWG1WGA) and “Peace and Prosperity. Or Perish.”

2021 (July):  Didulo set up a GoFundMe donation page to build homes for wildfire victims in British Columbia. Website administrators quickly shut down her campaign.

2021 (August):  Didulo’s Telegram numbers increased to 40,000 followers.

2021 (November 27):  Didulo was detained by law enforcement for threats against healthcare workers. She was released the same afternoon with no formal charges filed.

2021 (December):  Didulo reached her peak Telegram numbers of approximately 73,000 followers.

2021 (December 3):  A Didulo follower was arrested for making threats against his daughter’s school.

2022 (January):  Didulo and eleven of her closet followers (her inner circle) began touring Canada in recreational vehicles (RVs).

2022 (February 3):  Didulo and her inner circle joined protestors at the Freedom Convoy at Parliament Hill. She and a group of followers burned the Canadian flag.

2022 (April):  Didulo and her inner circle attempted to enter the United States three times. Each time they were denied entry.

2022 (May):  Didulo followers started reporting that they had stopped paying their utility bills in response to Didulo’s “free natural resources” decree.

2022 (August 22). Didulo and her followers were involved in an attempt to arrest  Peterborough police officers.

2022 (September):  Didulo tried to fundraise from a paid Cameo video by Roger Stone, a Donald Trump political advisor.

2023 (February):  Didulo’s follower count on Telegram dropped to approximately 50,000.

2023 (February):  Didulo introduced “loyalty money” that had a “100,000’ denomination and was meant to replace traditional currency. It reportedly was “backed by gold and silver” and could be redeemed at the “National Treasury.”

2023 (September 19):  Didulo and her closet followers were chased out of Kamsack, Saskatchewan after only a day. They left the town with the assistance of a police escort.

2023 (September 20):  Didulo and her inner circle took up residency in an abandoned school in Richmound. Saskatchewan.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Very little information is available about Romana Didulo. [Image at right] What is known about her comes primarily from what she has chosen to reveal to the public. This minimal information is often not corroborated by evidence from other sources. The portrait of her early life is, therefore, largely hagiographic. Further, much of her presentation of her own life and the movement that she created and leads can best be understood through a conspiracy theory framework. Most simply, conspiracy theories can be understood as explanations for circumstances and events alleging that they are the product of secret plots created and carried out by a network of powerful, secret, organized malevolent groups (Uscinski and Parent 2014; Douglas et al 2019). In this case, Didulo has drawn on a variety of contemporary American conspiracy theories.

Didulo reports that her name is a combination of her father’s name Romualdo and her mother’s name Romana. On her website, Didulo states that she grew up in the Philippines. She reports that as a young child both of her parents died but there is no indication as to cause of death. However, losing her parents meant going to live elsewhere with relatives. When she was fifteen, she was sent to live with her grandparents in Vancouver, Canada. Didulo recounts that her grandmother taught her how to speak five languages. As an adult she lived in a small apartment with a roommate. She worked at menial jobs, and was once was homeless for an unspecified period of time (Sarteschi 2023).

Didulo became a visible public figure in October 2006 when a magazine profile featured her work. She was described as the president and CEO of Global Solution Canada, a private human resources company (Sarteschi 2023). The company recruited engineers for commercial oil, sand, gas, and mining companies. They assisted those seeking professional employment in Canada from around the world. No other information is available regarding her professional life beyond the two businesses, Infinite Wealth 24.7 and LTD and Romana Didulo Estate, INC. Both of those have since been dissolved.

In 2020, Didulo founded the “Canada 1st Party of Canada.” At that time, she named herself “Head of State” and “Commander-in-Chief of the Republic of Canada.” She claimed to have been appointed to this role by the “white hats and the US military along with global allied forces and their governments.” She claimed that these were the same people who had helped President Trump, had confiscated Vatican church assets, had confiscated the assets of the UK’s fake royal family, had been installed by central bankers, had confiscated the assets of the thirteen family bloodlines, had confiscated the fortunes of most (but not all) of Europe’s royal families, and that have removed around the world by criminal governments.

Part of her hagiographic presentation is that her family is descended from an ancient royal bloodline whose members contributed trillions of dollars towards aiding humanity. According to statements that she has made in live stream videos, she and her family emigrated from the Philippines (previously known as the “Kingdom of Maharlika”). In her version of events, the “Kingdom of Maharlika” was invaded by the “Spanish King” and colonized for 500 years, primarily motivated by its status as “the richest country in the world” and having the “majority of the world’s gold” (Sarteschi 2023).

Family wealth had several consequences. One was that many countries found themselves having to borrow money from the Philippines. Another was that she became the leader of Canada partly due to her family wealth.

In February 2021, Didulo began posting messages on the social media platform Telegram. It was on this platform that she adopted the titles of: “Queen of Canada,” the Commander-In-Chief, The President, and The National Indigenous Chief of the “Kingdom of Canada.” During this period, she began to acquire followers whom she dubbed “digital soldiers” or “I AMs.”

By the end of 2021, Didulo’s Telegram channel followers had grown to a high of approximately 73,000.  Since then, however, her follower counts decreased to approximately 31,000 as of March 2024. Telegram remains the main platform through which she communicates with her followers. She has continued to post messages on the platform daily.

As of 2024, she and a group of her closest followers were living in an abandoned school in Richmound, Saskatchewan. [Image at right] It remains unclear how they spend their time, though those in the inner circle claim they are renovating parts of the school. Didulo is responsible for much of the security on the premises, which includes her surveilling the outside perimeter of the school. Didulo’s “press secretary” (Darlene Ondi) and others hold nightly the “Queen Romana Tell Real Vision” (QRTVN”) news program streamed via Telegram to an audience that averages approximately 150 viewers. The program has consisted of reading conspiratorial/alternative news, reiterating the importance of Didulo’s decrees, and updating viewers on the daily activities of Didulo and her inner circle. They group also requests funding support. The expectation has been that the group would stay at the school for at least several months. It has remained unclear if the group will resume driving across Canada in their RVs or remain stationed at the school. For unspecified reasons, they have been prepping to live “off the grid.”

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Didulo has not established formal doctrines; rather, she has issued decrees. Her decrees essentially serve as the “laws” of her “kingdom” and thus function as the foundational basis for her thought system. Didulo has issued over 200 decrees. All the decrees reside on her website, the functionality of the site notwithstanding. Further insights into her thought can be garnered from her live-streamed speeches and the nightly “news” presented by members of her inner circle. The themes in these messages are drawn from QAnon, conspirituality, New Age, sovereign citizen, anti-vaccination, anti-immigration, anti-LQBTQA, and anti-government.

Most broadly these messages express a deep disdain for “mainstream media,” government agencies, and other institutions. By contrast, Didulo expresses admirations for “strongmen,” including Vladmir Putin, Rodrigo Duterte and Donald Trump. Consistent with this authoritarian perspective, she commonly threatens those who do not adhere to her edicts and decrees with severe punishments. Her followers mirror that same attitude, regularly and openly fantasizing about publicly hanging public officials or anyone else they deem an enemy.

Didulo claims to possess supernatural abilities as an Acturian alien, including shapeshifting, self-healing, changing her eye color and the shape of her pupils, curing the blindness of others, appearing in the dreams of her followers, and emitting a glowing light as a symbol of her divine connection to the higher dimensional realms (Sarteschi 2023). During a livestream with members of her inner circle, she asserted that the recreational vehicle, in which they were currently living, [Image at right] had levitated. She maintains that she is in contact with the alliance of the “Intergalactic Federation of the World of Light Beings and Protectors,” alongside “star people” who watch over her from above. She reports that the adoption of her two “royal” puppies was precipitated by the dogs contacting her telepathically to request that she adopt them and that they are celestial beings. As an extraterrestrial being, Didulo requires a special diet. She claims that she cannot eat meat and can only eat fish. When she eats meat her “natural gifts and ancient wisdom” are “removed from my soul and person and I AM unable to move for 30 days or more.”

Given the ideological pool from which Didulo draws her ideas, it is not surprising that she frequently complains about immigrants and has created specific decrees that limit their ability to live inside her kingdom. She also has outlawed immigrants from owning property in her kingdom. Correspondingly, she has given her followers permission to “shoot to kill” health care works for giving the COVID vaccination (Bremmer 2021) and also immigrants if they are found to be engaged in certain types of criminal behavior (Smith 2023).

With respect to education, Didulo has created additional decrees in support of homeschooling. She supposedly has designated millions of dollars (“backed by gold and silver”) to people in her kingdom to “home educate” their children. Based on her assertion that there actually are only two genders, she opposes public schools that she insists indoctrinate and groom children to become transgender. Didulo and her followers regularly publicly denigrate transgender individuals.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Movement rituals have evolved over time and consist primarily of public presentations by Didulo. In the beginning, Didulo operated alone and simply posted messages on a website and/or social media platforms, such as YouTube. In these videos, she articulated her worldviews, which to date remain largely unchanged.

After amassing a substantial base of followers, she began traveling across Canada in a RV. A small entourage traveled with her, most of whom have subsequently left the movement and have been replaced. At the height of her popularity, it was common for the entourage to travel to various locations and give in-person speeches. Locations often included Walmart parking lots and camp grounds. Location details were announced on Telegram, inviting those who lived nearby to attend. The speeches would be live-streamed on Telegram. Typically, no more than fifty people would be in attendance. The speeches typically lasted thirty minutes to an hour and were often repetitive. Afterwards, guests could meet the “Queen.”

Very little is known about the group’s day-to-day operations. Members of the inner circle often say they work “24 hours a day seven days a week” but have never articulated what type of work they are doing in the school. Each night several of them participate in the nightly news show, ending every episode with a request for funds from “those who are in abundance.” The group has claimed that it needed approximately $20,000 a month to cover its travel expenses. Though no financial records are available, it seems clear that breakdowns have been frequent and costly, and constant traveling has taken a toll on members. Former members have reported that at the movement’s peak it had amassed hundreds of thousands of dollars. The group was gifted an abandoned school in the small town of Richmound, Saskatchewan by a local resident. The townspeople reacted with anger and held protests but have not dislodged the group (Lamoureux 2023).

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Didulo has been at the center of the organization throughout its history. It is telling, for example, that the organization itself has no name independent of Didulo. She makes a number of claims designed to legitimate her leadership exclusivity. These include constructing a hagiographic history for her leadership, issuing “decrees” that have the force of law within (and at least theoretically beyond) the movement, and creating specific missions that are integral to her position. The organization itself exists primarily online and is coordinated by a small group of loyal followers.

Didulo claims a spiritual contract with the “Galactic Federation,” an extra-terrestrial  organization established to assist those on Earth. She states that her title was assigned from higher dimensional beings existing beyond our planet Earth. Didulo explains that she was “appointed” to her role by powerful people who she refers to as the “white hats.” The “white hats” are a QAnon-based phenomenon in which covert operatives, who are the “good guys,” assist in the fight against the black hats (the “bad guys”) or the cabal/deep state/globalists (Sarteschi 2023). Relatedly, the cabal is comprised of individuals operating covertly inside governments across the world, to cause harm to those in the world, particularly children who they are secretly sex-trafficked in underground tunnels (Amarasingam and Argentino 2020).

According to Didulo, she rose to power after removing the Chinese communist military, who were occupying tunnels underneath Canada, and were attempting to attack both Mexico in the United States (Sarteschi 2023). According to Didulo, these individuals were located in Beijing and were utilizing tunnels for adrenochrome production (a chemical compound produced by the oxidation of adrenaline that it is alleged global elites harvest from kidnapped children to ingest as an elixir of youth), organ harvesting, and the manufacture and sale of children for sex trafficking (Sarteschi 2023). She claimed that she single-handedly removed these individuals from Canada, and in so doing she prevented World War III. As a result of her great effort, she was bestowed the title of Queen. [Image at right]

This depiction of history, of course, places Didulo in the midst of intense conflict. She alleges that information about her is being censored by the cabal/deep state and the globalists who are being paid to destroy her. This campaign is driven by her formidable influence in the world, which is a personal threat to other world leaders. She has also claimed that individuals claiming to be national leaders, such as Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, actually are actors or fabricated otherworldly entities, robots, or even computer-generated images, but they are not real.

According to Didulo, her decrees serve as laws in her “kingdom.” She has clear definitions of criminal behavior and punishment in the kingdom. Broadly, she prioritizes combating crimes against children, asserting that it is her responsibility to protect and rescue victims of child sex trafficking. She is also seeking to punish anyone who administers the COVID-19 vaccine to children. She has stated that for anyone who gives children vaccines the punishment shall be “two bullets to the head.” Crimes punishable by execution, consist of anything she has designated as a “crime against humanity.” These include anyone who “promotes transgenderism, medical surgeries, pharmaceutical means, hormone blockers, and gender inversion.” Other crimes that would garner the death penalty, in Didulo’s “kingdom,” include kidnapping, war crimes, genocide, famine, manufacturing adrenaline crumb, producing foods, drugs, products, or chemicals that are harmful to humans or animals, rape, torture blackmail, extortion, child sex trafficking, human organ harvesting, human trafficking, slavery, bribery, corruption, arson, trafficking illegal drugs and firearms, smuggling illegal firearms, trafficking weapons of mass destruction, and targeted killings. All “crimes against humanity” are punishable by public hanging or firing squad in the “city square” and can be witnessed by anyone twenty-four years of age or older (Sarteschi 2023).

Didulo has identified a series of missions for which she is responsible, responsibilities that have been largely ignored by established institutions who live in “ivory towers.”  Most broadly, she has stated that it is her mission to bring back “morality” to Canada, along with “common sense.” She has claimed that unnamed individuals have offered her billions of dollars to dissolve her movement, yet she has declined their offer on moral grounds, feeling compelled by her divine duty to assist “we the people.” For example, she perceives it as her duty as Queen to travel to every town and city in Canada to get to know we the people and gain deeper insight into their needs. As an Acturian alien she is endowed with extraordinary abilities and responsibilities. One is including the facilitation and guarding of celestial magical pods (med beds) that can cure all ailments (Sarteschi 2022). She has made med beds available to all “Canadian nationals” and anyone with a veteran status. This responsibility has proved challenging because, she claims, pharmaceutical companies have deliberately stolen and hidden the med bed technology to maintain corporate profits. Didulo reports that she has provided billions of dollars in funding to cure homelessness, to cure addictions, to repair the infrastructure, to repair the roads, and to ensure that everyone has access to groceries. She promised to construct grocery stores in Canada available to all “Canadian nationals” and will name them ‘We Go One We Go All’ (WWG1WWA) (the QAnon meme), where her followers can acquire their groceries for free.

Didulo has also presumed to authority outside of the movement. In one of her decrees she abolished the requirement to pay government taxes (including utility bills and mortgages). She explained that Canada was a bankrupt “corporation,” an idea consistent with sovereign citizen ideology. She therefore regarded taxes as a form of “slavery” and as Queen, she was returning all of the natural resources to we the people. On the basis of these decrees, many of her followers prepared “cease-and-desist orders” (created by Didulo), along with copies of certain royal decrees. These were intended to inform various public and government officials, tax agencies, banks, and related entities about Didulo’s decrees. None of these tactics have proven effective, leading to negative financial and legal consequences for many of her followers.

In another move that would erode state power, Didulo created a movement-based  currency called loyalty money. [Image at right] This money was printed by Didulo and distributed to select subjects. The printed money includes her emblem, and her flag and has a “100,000” denomination. While the money currently has no value outside of the group. Didulo has told her followers that they will eventually be able to cash it in at the “national treasury,” which has yet to be formed. Future planning, which is certain to spark additional conflict with state agencies includes the creation of passports, and “Canadian national” ID cards for members.

These various missions and decrees inevitably create tension between the movement and social control agencies if Didulo or her followers attempt to actually implement them. There are conflicts for followers also, of course, as they are caught between opposed imperatives as state citizens and movement adherents. Committed members commonly manage these tensions by stating that Didulo simply has not been “announced” yet, that the cabal pays the “mainstream media” to lie about her, or that politicians and public officials are taking credit for her work.

Didulo’s movement organization is actually rather small. Her closest confidants (those in her inner circle) include her “press secretary” who hosts the nightly news show. As such, the “press secretary” acts as the spokesperson for the group. Other members of the inner circle have designated responsibilities such as operating and repairing the RV, providing security, food preparation, doing laundry, managing waste disposal, attending to the “royal puppies,” and managing social media accounts.

Didulo has named approximately twenty members as “Ministers” of the “kingdom of Canada.” In their appointment ceremonies the Ministers were required to pledge their loyalty to the “kingdom” and take an oath to we the people. Each Minister is required  to carry out decrees associated with their specified roles. She has also designated “coordinators” who are meant to replace duly elected public officials throughout the Canadian providences. Coordinators are volunteers who live throughout the country. Their role is to be the contact person for other followers who live close by and who have questions about decrees and policies in the kingdom of Canada. On occasion, the coordinators hand out loyalty money.

The primary point of contact for most Didulo followers is the Telegram platform. There are fifteen to twenty Telegram groups each of which has a designated administrator who monitors all postings. The administrators are tasked with removing any posts that “bring down the vibrational frequency” of the group. They frequently remind group members that they will remove or otherwise delete any post that “sows negativity or hatred.” In practice, this means that administrators remove any comment that negatively characterizes Didulo; offenders are often banned permanently. Followers who compliment Didulo are often rewarded by her reposting their messages on her main Telegram channel.

Within the many Telegram channels, followers chat amongst themselves. It is customary for them to post photographs of letters they have received from tax agencies, legal firms, utility companies, and other affected businesses. These letters threaten to terminate service for unpaid bills. Followers who have lost their homes will often post photographs or videos of themselves having to be escorted from their premises. Those who lose utilities will often post angry messages about what has happened to them. Some have even shared photographs of utility workers arriving at their homes to shut off their utility service.

Another prominent aspect of the Telegram platform involves followers posting photographs or videos of them sending copies of the decrees or a cease-and-desist order to one of the aforementioned companies or agencies. For instance, when a follower is facing eviction, they may send decrees and cease-and-desist orders via certified mail. Group members congratulate followers on “standing up” to the “cabal” or the “minions” who are decidedly ignoring Didulo’s edicts.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Through the history of the movement, Didulo has faced a number of challenges. The most important of these is loss of followers and operating funds as the viability of the movement is at issue. In addition, the conflicts with local residents, relentless negative media coverage, and vocal opposition from former members have kept the movement in a high level of tension with its surrounding environment.

While Didulo was initially successful in gaining Telegram followers, she recently has lost approximately 40,000 followers on Telegram. This erosion of the following has created two problems for the movement. First, the movement has fewer followers to engage in recruiting that might stem the current exodus. Second, the movement has less capacity to generate financial resources to pursue movement goals, particularly travel expenses that fund new members and resources.

A second major issue has been Didulo’s authoritarian leadership style. Reportedly, she demands extreme obedience and loyalty. Some who have left the group say they experienced “never-ending” abuse from Didulo (Lamoureux 2022). They regard her as dangerous and report that she threatened to kill them on many occasions. Some admittedly still fear for their safety despite having separated from the group.

The coterie of hostile former members has led to negative media coverage of the group (Lamoureux 2022). In addition, the secretive nature of the group and the constant media coverage has made the group unwelcome. In 2023, for example, Didulo and her closet followers were chased out of Kamsack, Saskatchewan after only a day. They left the town with the assistance of a police escort. The group’s subsequent settlement in Richmound, Saskatchewan was met with an equally hostile response.

Finally, Didulo’s decrees have sometimes created serious problems for individuals following her directives. Some former members report that they stopped making payments to utilities, local governments, and banks, with predictable legal and financial consequences. In one case some followers unsuccessfully attempted to arrest the Peterborough police in August 2022 (Lamoureux 2022).

Romana Didulo’s movement appears to be precariously balanced at this time. It is small with a declining following and located in a small, remote Canadian community. Didulo is an authoritarian leader with few successes to show and no apparent successor. Internal problems combined with negative media coverage, local resident pushback, and resistance to her decrees by a variety of financial and governmental institutions have left the movement’s future prospects opaque at best.

IMAGES

Image #1: Romana Didulo.
Image #2: The abandoned school in Richmound, Saskatchewan.
Image #3: One of the RVs that followers used to travel across Canada.
Image #4: Romana Didulo as Queen of Canada.
Image #5: Alternative currency created by Didulo.

REFERENCES

Amarasingam, Amarnath and Marc-André Argentino. 2020. “The QAnon conspiracy theory: a security threat in the making?” CTC Sentinel 13:37-41. Accessed from https://ctc.westpoint.edu/the-qanon-conspiracy-theory-a-security-threat-in-the-making/on 2 April 2024.

Brenner, Jade. 2032. December 3. “Canada’s QAnon ‘queen’ claims she was arrested over ‘shoot to kill’ healthcare workers posts.” Independent, December 3. Accessed from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/crime/qanon-canada-queen-arrested-b1968818.html on 2 April 2024.

Lamoureux, Mack. 2022. “Inside the QAnon queen’s cult: ‘The abuse was non-stop.’” Vice World News. August 25. Accessed from https://www.vice.com/en/article/n7ze5w/qanon-queen-romana-didulo-cult-convoy-canada on 2 April 2024.
Lamoureux, Mack. 2022. “The ‘QAnon Queen’ told her followers to arrest cops. It didn’t go well.” Vice News, August 15. Accessed from https://www.vice.com/en/article/m7gb5y/queen-romana-didulo-citizen-arrest-qanon on 2 April 2024.
Lamoureux, Mack and Greg Walters. 2022. “The QAnon queen used a Roger Stone cameo to raise money.” Vice News, September 9. Accessed from https://www.vice.com/amp/en/article/m7g3wy/qanon-queen-romana-didulo-roger-stone on 2 April 2024.

Lamoureux, Mack. 2021.. “Follower of QAnon influencer who claims to be Canada’s queen arrested over school threats.” Vice News, December 3. Accessed from https://www.vice.com/en/article/3abbg9/follower-of-qanon-influencer-who-claims-to-be-canadas-queen-arrested-over-school-threats on 2 April 2024.

Lamoureux, Mack. 2021. “QAnon’s Queen of Canada is raising serious cash on GoFundMe.” Vice World News, July 28. Accessed from https://www.vice.com/en/article/y3dxy7/qanons-queen-of-canada-is-raising-serious-cash-on-gofunde on 2 April 2024.

Sarteschi, Christine. 2022. “How the self-proclaimed ‘Queen of Canada’ is causing true harm to her subjects.” The Conversation, June 28. Accessed from https://theconversation.com/how-the-self-proclaimed-queen-of-canada-is-causing-true-harm-to-her-subjects-185125 on 2 April 2024.

Sarteschi, Christine. 2023. “The social phenomenon of Romana Didulo: ‘Queen of Canada’.” International Journal of Coercion, Abuse, and Manipulation, 6. Accessed from https://www.ijcam.org/articles/the-social-phenomenon-of-romana-didulo on 2 April 2024.

Smith, Peter. 2023. “QAnon “Queen” of Canada Romana Didulo tells followers to shoot ‘illegal’ migrants on sight.” The Canadian Anti-Hate Network, February 8. Accessed from https://www.antihate.ca/queen_of_canada_romana_didulo_shoot_illegal_migrants on 2 April 2024.

Uscinski, Joseph and Joseph Parent.  American Conspiracy Theories. New York: Oxford University Press.

Publication Date:
10 April 2024

 

 

 

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Luciferianism

LUCIFERIANISM TIMELINE

1231:  Luciferian was used as an accusation against heretical Christians in Tier, Germany.

1667:  John Milton´s Paradise Lost was published.

1840:  Alphonse Louis Constant published Bible de la liberté.

1875:  The Theosophical Society was founded.

1885:  Marie Joseph Gabriel Antoine Jogand-Pagès, using the pen name Léo Taxil, “converted” to Catholicism and began an expose of Luciferians within Freemasonry.

1888:  The Secret Doctrine by Helena Blavatsky was published.

1899:  Charles Leland published his Aradia; the Gospel of the Witches in which Lucifer appeared as a sun god.

1906:  Ben Kadosh (Carl William Hansen) published The Dawn of a New Morning: Lucifer-Hiram: The Return of the World’s Master Builder and referred to himself as a Luciferian in a Danish population census.

1914:  Anatole France published Revolt of the Angels (La Révolte des anges)

1926:  The Fraternitas Saturni was founded by Gregor A Gregorius (Eugen Grosche).

1929:  Magick in Theory and Practice by Aleister Crowley was published  in which he described Lucifer as identical to “AIWAZ, the solar-phallic-hermetic ‘Lucifer’,” His own Holy Guardian Angel.”

1956:  Madeleine Montalba and her partner, Nicolas Heron, founded the Order of the Morning Star, or Ordo Stella Matutina (OSM).

1966:  The Process Church of the Final Judgment was founded.

1972:  The Kenneth Anger movie Lucifer Rising was released.

1989:  Dragon Rouge was founded in Stockholm, Sweden.

2005:  The Neo-Luciferian Church was founded in Copenhagen, Denmark.

2015:  The Greater Church of Lucifer opened a church in Springs, Texas, leading to protests from Christian groups.

2015:  Author Michael Howard, central in the popularization of Luciferianism died.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Luciferianism does not have a founder nor is it represented by a specific group or ideology; [Image at right] rather, it’s a reference to a heterodox and internally conflicted modern religious/spiritual phenomenon. Like “Witchcraft” and “Satanism,” “Luciferian” was originally used as an accusatory label by the Church. The first time the term seems to have been used is 1231 in Gesta Treverorum a chronology and history of the Archbishops in Tier, present day Germany (Luijk 2016:30). Here we find mentioned a woman, Lucardis, who lead a pious religious circle but was accused of secretly lamenting “the unjust expulsion from Heaven of Lucifer.” Following this “expose” of Luciferians, the church began a crusade to find more Luciferians. In 1234, Pope Gregory IX sent the bull Vox in Rama where we find one of the first descriptions of Luciferian initiations and rituals that foreshadow later descriptions of the Witches Sabbat and Black Masses with desecrations of the Host, inversions of the Mass and sexual orgies (Luijk 2016:31). That there existed any Luciferians during this period outside the imagination of the Church and the Pope is, however, unlikely.

During the thirteenth through the fifteenth centuries there where several cases where worship of Lucifer was used as an accusation against heretical groups, like the Cathars and the Waldensians. There is, however, no evidence that any of the groups or persons mentioned had beliefs that in any form resembled the Papal descriptions; rather, they seemed to have regarded the Church as being under the control of Lucifer (Luijk 2016:28). Even if there never existed any Luciferians in this period, the myth of their existence would be used by both anti-Satanists as well as modern-day Luciferians and Satanists. It gave their traditions a more substantial pedigree, even if most of both Luciferians and Satanists probably see this as more of a mythological story. As an example of how the myth of early Luciferians influenced modern Satanism and Luciferianism is H.T.F Rhodes’ 1954 history of early Satanism in The Satanic Mass that was a central inspiration for the founder of the Church of Satan, Anton LaVey. During the reformation in the sixteenth century and the internal conflicts within Christianity that followed, accusations of Devil and Lucifer worship continued, again directed against other Christians. However, there is no evidence of any groups that venerated Lucifer existing in this period (Medway 2001:9).

Central for the development of both modern Luciferianism and Satanism was a literary work John Milton’s Paradise Lost from 1667. While presented as a defence of the rule of God, some later readers would find Lucifer not as a the villain but as a heroic character reminiscent of the Greek Titan Prometheus who stole the fire from Heaven and gave it to humanity, Indeed, Lucifer’s speech in the first book has become central for the development of the heroic Satan (Lucifer):

Here at least
we shall be free; the Almighty hath not built
Here for his envy, will not drive us hence:
Here we may reign secure, and in my choice
to reign is worth ambition though in Hell:
Better to reign in Hell, than serve in Heaven

Milton’s image of Satan (as a tragic, courageous being, who even act with love and comradery with his fellow fallen angels) was essential to the image of Lucifer that we find later, and modern Luciferianism can’t be understood without this reference. Reception of Milton’s Lucifer as a heroic symbol for liberation and rebellion would develop with the Romantics, and with poets. Writers like Mary Wollstonecraft, William Blake, Percy Shelly, and Lord Byron all made use of Milton’s work to present a heroic, if not always outright positive image, of Lucifer (Werblowsky 2007).

While heterodox views of Lucifer and Satan were presented, it should be noted that the primary source of inspiration for the Romantics was Hellenism and Greek mythology dominated the writings. Lucifer became associated with the Greek titan Prometheus that stole the fire from Mount Olympus. Noticing the similarities between the two myths, it became easy to view Lucifer in a favourable light, even if poets like Percy Shelly emphasised that, while heroic, Lucifer was not as noble as Prometheus who rebelled without selfish motives (Schock 2003:39).

One of the best examples of the romantic reimagining of Milton was William Blake’s The Marriage between Heaven and Hell (1793) that presents an image of Hell and Satan as symbols of creativity and movement, in balance and opposition to the stasis of Heaven. Blake refers to Milton and claims he was of the Devils party without knowing it. With the Romantics, the image of Lucifer as a symbol of rebellion and quest for knowledge is established, but it is only in a literary sense and not without ambivalence. There is no indication or evidence that there developed any form of spiritual movement from the Romantic Satanists in the nineteenth century, although they would inspire later Luciferians and Satanists. There is also no real separation between Satan and Lucifer, rather they are treated as synonymous, but based on a reception of Milton rather than the Bible (Schock 2003).

Among some nineteenth-century socialists Lucifer would become a role model for the revolution, often more satirical and anti-clerical, as with Anarchists like Pierre Proudhon and Michael Bakunin, than based on a veneration for Lucifer. An interesting example of how Lucifer was used by nineteenth-century socialists are the “Ten commandments of Lucifer” (1886), a short text distributed among Swedish socialists by Atterdag Wermelin (1861-1904). The text is a mockery of the Ten Commandments but also contains serious calls for solidarity among workers, equality between men and women, and a rejection of monogamy and the institution of marriage (Faxneld 2013). For the early, more radical part of the labour movement, Lucifer appears rather frequently as a symbol for freedom and liberation, and several magazines took the title Lucifer. In Sweden there was the yearly published periodical for the Social Democrats titled Lucifer: the light bearer (Lucifer: Ljusbringaren, 1891-1895, quarterly 1902-1903) and in the United States we find Moses Harmans anarchist magazine Lucifer, the Light Bearer (1883-1907). We also find the fictional work of the socialist author Anatole France Revolt of the Angels (La Révolte des anges) from 1914 that describes Lucifer as a force that through the ages has attempted to help humanity. France identifies Lucifer with Satan and see the evolution of Lucifer to Satan as a positive. The book is perhaps one of the clearest examples of literary Satanism and in the twenty-first century, and the book became one of the canonical texts for the Satanic Temple (Hedenborg White and Gregorius 2019).

In the middle and later part of the nineteenth century, a revised version of Lucifer starts to enter esoteric movements both in fiction and reality. A bridge between the socialist interpretation and the esoteric is Eliphas Lévi (i.e., Alphonse-Louis Constant, 1810–1875). Following the Romantics, Leví wrote in Bible de la liberté (1840) that Lucifer was an angel of Liberty and that in the end he would be reunited with God. Leví would continue these themes later when his work would turn to more occult ideas around the Astral Light. While earlier biographies of Leví argued that there was a clear break between his earlier political writings as Constant and his later occult writings, religious scholar Julian Strube has argued that there is a continuity and his later occult works must be understood from the backdrop of his utopian socialist ideals. Leví was part of a occult movement in France that presented themselves as Neo-Catholic or Gnostic and still regarded themselves as Christians (Strube 2016).

The most important Luciferian legacy from France in the nineteenth century did not come from an existing Luciferian milieu but a mostly imaginary one. In 1885, the French Anti-Catholic, Marie Joseph Gabriel Antoine Jogand-Pagès, using the pen name Léo Taxil (1854-1907), had publicly converted to Catholicism and at the same time exposed a massive conspiracy against the Church directed by Freemasons. Jogand-Pagés would publish several books both under the name Leo Taxil, and other pseudonyms, in which he described a global cult around Lucifer that he claimed where at the centre of Freemasonry. The secret inner circle was called the Palladium and was lead by a woman, Diana Vaughn. The Palladium, as described by Taxil, believed that Lucifer was the true God, in opposition to the lesser god Adonai, and the two gods were in a battle for control over the Earth and mankind (Luijk 2016:266-69). A few years later, Jogand-Pagés revealed publicly it was all a prank, carried out to ridicule both the Catholic Church and Freemasonry. Despite this, many would continue to take his ideas seriously, and they can still be found in conspiracy theories around secret societies. For some esoteric writers this was seen as intriguing, however, and they developed a positive reception to Taxil´s hoax. One example of this was the Danish Luciferian Ben Kadosh who will be discussed below. While most of the descriptions about Luciferians were based on accusations, as we have seen, there where esoteric writers that had a more sympathetic view on Lucifer.

The most influential proponent of a positive view of Lucifer came from the Theosophical Society (1875), founded by Helena Blavatsky (1831-1891) and Henry Steel Olcott (1832-1907). With the Theosophists, we generally see Lucifer presented as a symbol of illumination, and they would even name their magazine Lucifer. For Blavatsky, Lucifer was the bringer of light to mankind and identified Lucifer with Prometheus but also with “Mahasura” in Hinduism, who was cast down after rebelling against Brahma, and made, according to Blavatsky, to repent. Lucifer can be seen as a symbol of human evolution and initiation.  For Helena Blavatsky Lucifer was integrated in a non-dualist cosmology based on a Western reception of Buddhism and Hinduism, and a rejection of Christian doctrines, as is noticeable in the quote above as well. As to what degree Lucifer and Satan where identified within Theosophy is debated, often Blavatsky would be clear in distinguishing them but scholars like Per Faxneld have argued that the writings of Blavatsky contained “unembarrassed and explicit  Satanism” (Faxneld 2012).

Within Blavatsky’s voluminous writings there are clear positive descriptions of Lucifer, and while it is debatable as to whether this should be regarded as central to her worldview, the references we find, most notably within The Secret Doctrine (1888), would have a central impact on later receptions of Lucifer. For some Theosophists the positive image of Lucifer would become central, as with the Swedish painter Sven Bengtsson (1843-1916), who painted Lucifer as an angelic being combatting the forces of ignorance, represented as a dark monster.

Perhaps the first person who used “Luciferian” as a self-identification was Ben Kadosh, the penname for the Danish esotericist and eccentric Karl William Hansen (1872-1936). Kadosh had been involved with several different forms of esoteric order and was an early, pre-Thelemic, member of Ordo Templi Orients. In 1906, when he was thirty-three, he published Den Ny Morgens Gry, Lucifer-Hiram, Verdensbygmesterens Genkomst (The Dawn of a New Morning, Lucifer-Hiram, The Return of the World’s Master Builder). The Neo-Luciferian Church, which considers its work to be partially a continuation of Kadosh, published a revised translation of the text in 2010. Later, a new translation was made by Johan Nilsson and Rebecca Bugge and published in the anthology Satanism: A reader, 2023. In the small book we see a strong influence from Theosophy but also Leo Taxil. Kadosh sees Lucifer as the true god of creation and individuality:

Lucifer is the “sum” – or I – of the material nature, the creative logon or force. Both personal and impersonal or individual and non-individual, just as everything else in nature, as it should be. Actually, he is the object and the individual in the third person. (quoted in Nilsson 2023a:132).

Further, he associated this doctrine with the secret teachings that he believed were found in Freemasonry, which is evident from the title of Lucifer as the “Worlds Master Builder.” Lucifer is regarded as the energy of Darkness, and thus superior to the Light, partially following Blavatsky. As Per Faxneld has commented the image of Lucifer is rather unique:

Lucifer is portrayed by Kadosh as a sort of rebellious and “criminal” initiator, giving man access to mysteries that the Christian church has tried to keep hidden. He is, according to Kadosh, a phallic and expansive personification of energy, which is why he is the nemesis of all attempts to confine and limit. (Faxneld 2011)

The idea of Lucifer as a phallic and vitalist force is reminiscent of Crowley’s presentation of Lucifer but predates Crowley as he would present this mostly in later in works, like the 1929 Magick in theory and Practice. The short text is complicated and at times difficult to follow. Lucifer is also seen as Pan and Venus. Kadosh makes a point that this might seem paradoxical as Lucifer is very masculine. Pan is particularly important, and a large part of the text deals more with Pan than with Lucifer. Kadosh sees something sacred in the animal nature and regards a union or an integration of the animal intelligence as a form of path to enlightenment.

Kadosh took a lot of inspiration from the sensationalist book Satan og hans kultus (1902) by Carl Kohl that also builds upon the Leo Taxil-hoax. Apart from Lucifer-Hiram, Kadosh never published more about Luciferianism, and while he claimed to have gathered a small number of followers, there is no indication that they continued after his death or even remained active during his lifetime. What little we know about his life is from other sources, some being ironic and cynical descriptions by August Strindberg, who seems to have regarded him as a fascinating but a to confused (Faxneld 2011). After his death in 1936 he would become almost completely forgotten until an English translation of Lucifer-Hiram was published in the Swedish occult journal The Fenris Wolf nr 3 in 1993. In recent years, there has been a revived interest in Kadosh and he is seen as one of the main antecedents for the Neo-Luciferian Church. There has also been a growing academic interest in Kadosh, primarily through the work of Per Faxneld who has published several articles about him. Kadosh is of interest as one of the few, if not the first that identified himself as a devotee of Lucifer/Satan and identified as Luciferian in a national census in Denmark in 1906 (Faxneld 2011). Whether his interest in Luciferianism remained through his life is uncertain as there is limited information about his life and the only other text available from him is a later Rosicrucian text that contains no Luciferian aspects or such doctrines (Nilsson 2023a:123).

During the same period, but only partially related to each other, there was also a significant positive reception of Lucifer in the early modern re-imagining of Witchcraft as a positive form of spirituality. Charles Leland´s Aradia; the Gospel of the Witches (1899) tells the story of the goddess Aradia, daughter of Diana and Lucifer, incarnating on Earth to help the people with magic and poison against the oppression of feudal lords and the Church. In Aradia, Lucifer is the god of the Sun and Moon, and the twin and reflection of Diana, who is seen as the primary creatrix. Still, even though clearly more Pagan, Lucifer is still presented as a rebellious and proud spirit: “Diana greatly loved her brother Lucifer, the god of the Sun and of the Moon, the god of Light (Splendor), who was so proud of his beauty, and who for his pride was driven from Paradise.”  (Gregorius 2012:232f)

Aradia is a controversial text as Leland claimed that it was not his own invention, but rather that the text was given to him from his assistant Maddelena and based on genuine folk magical traditions from Italy. Many critics have argued that the text was Leland’s own invention. Regardless of the origin, Aradia would be a central influence of the Wiccan movement in the 1940’s. While Wicca would disassociate from any types of Satanism, references to Lucifer in Wiccan literature would continue, as in the works of Alex Sanders and Janet and Stewart Farrar. Here Lucifer has become a solar deity, developed from Aradia but with very little to do with the fallen Angel (Gregorius 2012:234).

Following Theosophy, we find several esoteric writers that present an ambivalent if not outright positive view of Lucifer in the twentieth century. One important example is Aleister Crowley (1875-1947) who continually presents Lucifer as a positive symbol, representing initiation and knowledge. He even identifyied Aiwass, the angelic being that dictated The Book of the Law to him, with “Solar-Phallic hermetic Lucifer” (Crowley 1998:227). An influential poem regarding Lucifer was then undated, and, during his lifetime, the unpublished poem Hymn to Lucifer ends with:

His body a bloody-ruby radiant
With noble passion, sun-souled Lucifer
Swept through the dawn colossal, swift aslant
On Eden’s imbecile perimeter.
He blessed nonentity with every curse
And spiced with sorrow the dull soul of sense,
Breathed life into the sterile universe,
With Love and Knowledge drove out innocence
The Key of Joy is disobedience (Crowley in Nilsson 2023b:170).

The poem would later have a significant impact on modern occulture through the American film maker Kenneth Anger (1927-2023), who used the poem as a primary inspiration for his 1972 movie Lucifer Rising. It also seems that the first time the poem was published was by Anger in 1970. Anger saw, like Crowley in Lucifer a spirit of freedom and rebellion and as the patron of the artist. He regarded Lucifer as separate from Satan. Anger would also tattoo Lucifer across his chest.

Still, it would be wrong to label Crowley a Luciferian, and he never uses the term, even if his works undoubtedly have such aspects, as well as a revision of Biblical motifs and characters. How Crowley interpreted negative Biblical symbols as positive has been analysed in Manon Hedenborg White´s The Eloquent Blood: The Goddess Babalon and the Construction of Femininities in Western Esotericism (2019). A similarly positive image of Lucifer is also found in the writings of Crowley’s disciple Jack Parsons (1914-1952). He presents Lucifer as a spirit of individuality and rebellion, pared with the goddess Babalon, and connected this with his ideas about “the Witchcraft.” While a few short texts survive, there is no evidence that Parsons managed to create any form of practice around these beliefs before his death in 1952.

As we move further in the twentieth century, there is more open expressions of Luciferian ideas. One notable example is the German esoteric order Fraternitas Saturni, founded 1926 by Eugen Grosche (1888-1964), writing as Gregor A Gregorius. According to Thomas Hakl, the cosmology of the Fraternitas Saturni is based on a polarity and conflict between, light and dark, fire and ice, and this cosmology is light as separated from darkness as represented by Chrestos (light, the sun). Lucifer is the force carrying the light to Saturn, the planet farthest from the Sun,  representing the other polarity as opposed to Chrestos. Lucifer also becomes the higher octave of Saturn. While Fraternitas Saturni used the term “Luciferian Principle,” there is no indication that participants labelled themselves as Luciferians or that the Lucirerian Principle played a significant role (Hakl 2013). Fraternitas Saturni was introduced to the anglophone world with Stephen Flowers book Fire and Ice: Magical Teachings of Germany’s Greatest Secret Occult Order (1995), which also included translations of some of their ceremonies. In his book Flowers emphasised the Luciferian and Satanic elements of Fraternitas Saturni.

One of the more interesting examples of a non-Satanic Luciferianism was the British occultist Madelaine Montalban (1910-1982). Montalban published very little about her Luciferian ideas during her lifetime, so a lot is ascribed to her comes from people associated with her, like Michael Howard. Julia Philps’ Madeline Montalban: The Magus of St Giles is the only currently available biography of her (2012).

In 1956, she founded, with Nicolas Heron, the Order of the Morning Star, or Ordo Stella Matutina (OSM). OSM developed a system of magic based on astrology and interaction with angelic beings, one of the aims being for the adept to develop a relationship with these angelic beings themselves. She wrote a small text, The Book of Lumiel, that is as of yet unpublished. Based on extracts from the book, primarily from Michael Howard and Julia Philips, we encounter Lucifer as Lumiel, the light-bringer [Image at right] that seek to guide mankind from darkness to light. For Montalban, Lumiel was originally a Babylonian god, and she made several references to Chaldean magic as central for her work and associated it with Venus.

Montalban made a clear distinction between Lucifer and Satan, and, according to Howard, the teachings of Lumiel or Lucifer came rather late in the courses of OSM and were further developed in a text called The Book of the Devil. In this text, Lucifer is presented as the first created being, the first subdivision of God “representing divine knowledge and wisdom and the intellect.” Lucifer is appointed by God or “the Cosmic Creator” to rule over the Earth and is devoted to the evolution of mankind. Montalban interprets the story of the fall of the Watchers as the angelic beings mixed their vibrations with the “daughters of men.” The reason being that Lucifer felt that the evolution of mankind was too slow. However, mankind was not prepared for this wisdom, and so it led to chaos and anarchy. As punishment, Lucifer had to incarnate in human form and become “The Light of the World” and take upon himself “pain and sorrows” of mankind. Montalban is presenting an idea that Christ was one of Lucifers incarnations. Following this description, we see a developed and original take on the story of the fall of Lucifer, in some respects it is reminiscent of the ideas found among the Kurdish Ezidi or Yezidi. The Order of the Morning Star considers its understanding of Lucifer to have nothing to do with Satanism.

Montalban’s teachings from OSM are largely unpublished, and so later interpretations largely come from the recollections of her students. One of the most important of these was Michael Howard (1948-2015), a member in OSM between 1967-1969. Howard was one of the most central and original thinkers within the British Pagan scene, being the chief-editor of The Cauldron (1976-2015) and one of the primary writers popularising Luciferianism within modern Paganism and Witchcraft. Howard was a member of several different Pagan and Esoteric organisations, and in 1999 he was initiated into Andrew Chumbleys Cultus Sabbati. Howard developed ideas about Lucifer that contained elements from a variety of esoteric authors, like Montalban, Cochrane and Chumbley. Writing under the pseudonym Frater Ashtan, he wrote articles about Luciferianism for The Cauldron, and later these ideas would be published in books like Pillars of Tubal Cain (2001) and The Book of Fallen Angels (2004). Howard also wrote about the history of Traditional Witchcraft in Children of Cain (2000) and several works on local British forms of Witchcraft where he emphasised the Luciferian element. The Luciferian elements are noticeable in his later works and particularly the above-mentioned Pillars of Tubal Cain and The Book of Fallen Angels (Gregorius 2012:243f).

Howard attributed strong Luciferians components to the work of Montalban but also to the work of Robert Cochrane (1931-1966), founder of a Witchcraft traditions during the 1950s that diverged from Gerald Gardner’s. This has led to some critique that Howard overemphasized Lucifer and interpreted Cochranes texts to fit his own beliefs, as Lucifer does not seem to be mentioned in the surviving writings of Cochrane.

While the term “Luciferian” was established as a reference to a form of spirituality that expressed a positive view of Lucifer, and there were several positive reimagining’s of Lucifer in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, it is more difficult to find examples of groups or individuals that used the label Luciferian about themselves. Neither Blavatsky or Crowley used it, and as far as I can see, neither did the Fraternitas Saturni, although there is mention about a Luciferian principle. The first to publicly call himself Luciferian seems to have been Ben Kadosh in 1906. Another early example of the use of the term Luciferian publicly as a self-imposed identity was within the Process Church of the Final Judgment (active from 1966 until the middle of the 1970´s) which identified “Luciferian” as one of the identities to be used by their members, the others being Jehovian and Satanist. The Process is of interest as they make a clear distinction between Lucifer and Satan, as well as Luciferian and Satanist. For the Process Church, Luciferians where more optimistic and positive to life than the Satanist:

LUCIFER, the Light Bearer, urges us to enjoy life to the full, to value success in human terms, to be gentle and kind and loving, and to live in peace and harmony with one another. Man’s apparent inability to value success without descending into greed, jealousy, and an exaggerated sense of his own importance, has brought the God LUCIFER into disrepute. He has become mistakenly identified with SATAN. (De Grimston 1970)

For the Process Church the goal was the unity of the gods of the universe (,Jehova, Satan, Lucifer and Christ), the latter being both a fourth god and the unifying principle. None of the gods was evil but could be unbalanced and reflected aspects of a person that had to be both embraced and worked upon. Members could be combinations of these gods. The idea of the unity between the gods was also related to a millenarian idea about the end times that would happen when the gods where united in love.  Later in the 1970’s, the Process Church faced a lot of internal conflicts and outside pressure and was disbanded.  In 1977, it reformed as the Foundation Faith of the Millennium (Gregorius 2023a).

It is in the later part of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries that we find clear examples of self-identified Luciferian groups. One example is the Neo-Luciferian Church (NLC) founded in Copenhagen, Denmark in 2005 by Bjarne Salling Pedersen in collaboration with Michael Bertiaux from Chicago. The NLC practices a form of Luciferianism that is inspired by Gnosticism and draws a lot of inspiration from the writings of Ben Kadosh, but also from the Thelema and Bertiaux eclectic interpretation of Vodou. The Neo-Luciferian Church has a linage that traces back to the different esoteric and occult orders that where founded by Michael Bertiaux, but also Gnostic French esoteric traditions. Organized as an initiatory order NLC have seven degrees, but only six are named: Lightbearer, Deacon, Priest/priestess, High Priest/priestess, Bishop and Arch-Bishop. As initiations are only performed physically, NLC have not expanded in any significant degree outside of Denmark and Sweden, though there are a few members in the United States. There is a visible influence from the degree structure found in the Thelemic organisations Ecclesia Gnostica Catholica and Ordo Templi Orientis (Neo-Luciferian Church website 2013).

Members of NLC are expected to develop their own understanding of Lucifer and Luciferianism, and NLC encouragescritical thinking and rejection of authorities. The idea of Lucifer is non-Satanic and NLC contrast Luciferianism with Satanism. Lucifer is presented as a force for illumination and the quest for knowledge, and members argue strongly against an identification between Lucifer and Satan. As such they are a distinctly non-Satanic form of Luciferianism. While the webpage for NLC is no longer active, the group maintains its activities primarily in Denmark and Sweden (personal communication)

One of the most important Luciferian authors is the American Michael Ford who has published several books on Luciferianism such as The Bible of the Adversary, Luciferian Witchcraft, Luciferian Goetia, to name a few. He also runs the webpage Luciferian Apotheca and is currently one of the leaders of the Assembly of Light Bearers. Before he was one of three leaders of the Greater Church of Lucifer, founded. The Greater Church of Lucifer opened a physical church 2015 in Spring, a suburb to Houston, Texas. After a few months the church had to close due to protests and harassment and one of the leaders later converted to Evangelical Christianity (Blakinger 2017). In articles connected to the opening of the church and the following protests, Ford, and other members, where clear that they were not Satanists and regarded Luciferianism as being a separate tradition. Like other forms of Luciferianism Ford places a central emphasis on rebellion and questioning authority, but he also uses symbols and images that are more Satanic and Demonic than many other forms of Luciferianism (Cevjan 2023:317-321). Ford see his form of Luciferianism as part of the Left Hand Path, a term not used by all Luciferians. After the collapse of the Greater Church of Lucifer in North America Ford with two other members created the Assembly of Light Bearers that remains active (Assembly of Light Bearers website 2018).

While there are some organizations that will explicitly use the term Luciferian like the Greater Church of Lucifer (reconstituted as Assembly of Light Bearers), the Neo-Luciferian Church, the Luciferian Society, there are also orders that have Luciferian tendencies and been central to the development of modern Luciferianism. The Swedish based order Dragon Rouge, founded in 1989, has strong Luciferian tendencies, and, as their material have become available in English, they are now more influential globally with active groups especially in South America. Dragon Rouge use term “dark magic” for their practice and see themselves as part of the Left Hand Path. The founder Thomas Karlsson have claimed to have had revelations from Lucifer that he sees these the foundation of his order. Dragon Rouge is however an organisation that contains a lot of different forms of magical practices, and the order cannot as such be labelled as explicitly Luciferian, even if Lucifer plays a central and recurring role (Gregorius 2023b:306-13 and  Granholm 2014:113, 122). The Polish artist and writer, Asenath Mason, who used to lead the Polish section of Dragon Rouge, Lodge Magan, has published extensively on Lucifer. In her organization, Temple of the Ascending Flame, the focus is on Lucifer as a part of a Draconian trinity. The other is Leviathan and Lilith, and Lucifer representing the solar and enlightenment (Mason 2007;  Aseanth Mason: Author and Artist website 2024). Her work often follows similar themes as those found in Dragon Rouge with work on the Qliphotic.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Luciferianism is as an umbrella term for different new religious movements and ideologies that venerate Lucifer as either as an ideal or as a deity and there are no set doctrines as such to be found.  Luciferians can differ on who Lucifer is supposed to be and there are Luciferians that are atheists and those that are theistic, some are closer to Satanism while other emphasise Lucifers pre-Christian origins like the Order of the Morning Star and the Neo-Luciferian Church.

Certain themes have developed that is recurring in Luciferian literature. In the twentieth century, Luciferianism has increasingly become a term of self-definition and often refers to an understanding of Lucifer that has been significantly separated from its Christian origin, and many forms of Luciferianism also regard their tradition as distinct from Satanism. Many Luciferians see themselves as part of a Gnostic tradition with a focus on knowledge and enlightenment as a path to self-deification, we see this from Order of the Morning Star to Assembly of Light Bearers. Still there is no true or original form of Luciferianism, and the term is fluid and changing.

Clear separation between Luciferianism and Satanism only exist as a theoretical ideal type, and it should be noted that lived practices are far blurrier. We further have the problem that the positive reimagining of Lucifer up to the twentieth century follows the same history of reimagining as  with Satan. Thus there are strong links to “Romantic Satanism” within both Luciferianism and Satanism as well as the reception of Milton´s Paradise Lost. The scholar of Religion Masimo Introvigne has for this reason chosen not to make a distinction between Satanism and Luciferianism historically (Introvigne 2016:4). As modern Luciferians however do make this distinction, it is important to understand Luciferians from their own perspective.

To distinguish Satan and Lucifer many Luciferians emphasise the pre-Christian origin of Lucifer, the name being derived from lucem ferens, Latin for Light-bearer, or Light-bringer, and referred originally to referring to Venus as the morning star. In Roman religion there are a few references to Lucifer; sometimes he is paired with Noctifer (Night-bringer, Venus as the evening star) as in the poetry of Catullus. It is debatable if Lucifer was a proper god in Rome or seen as a personification of the morning or as a form of Aura (Dawn). While Luciferianism tends to use the Christian myth of Lucifer’s rebellion against the host of Heaven, many Luciferians want to emphasise the connection to the Roman god to make a clearer distinction between themselves and Satanism. Groups that place an emphasis on the pre-Christian origin of Lucifer are the Order of the Morning Star (which argues more for a Babylonian origin) and the Neo-Luciferian Church. Still, there do not seem to be any Luciferians that only focus on the Roman Pagan god and so aspects from Christian mythology are present even in the Neo-Luciferian Church. They elevate the rebellious nature of Lucifer and use him as a symbol of Enlightenment, presenting their understanding of the nature of Lucifer as (Neo-Luciferian Church website 2013):

Lucifer is the deity of illumination, education and insight.
Lucifer is the deity of pride.Lucifer is the deity of freedom.
Lucifer is the deity of prosperity.
Lucifer is a primeval force.

Christianity established a narrative from the fourth century onwards about a rebellious angel that was seeking to overthrow God but due to his pride fell and became Satan. As this development came rather late in Christian theology the use of the morning star is often not used negatively in the Bible, as in 2 Peter 1:19 where it is in reference to Christ as: “a light shining in a dark place, until the day dawns and the morning star rises in your hearts.” There are also references that identify Christ with the morning star in Revelations. This has led some Luciferians to see an identification between Lucifer and Christ and thus rejecting their tradition as being anti-Christian One of these was Madelaine Montalban and her Order of the Morning Star.

Luciferians then tend to distinguish themselves between themselves and Satanism seeing the two as separate. Michael Ford presents Luciferianism as a more spiritual philosophy in contrast to Satanism, that is presented as being more materialistic (probably connecting Satanism to LaVey´s Church of Satan). Similar sentiments can be found among other Luciferians. Luciferianism is regarded as being more focused on knowledge and illumination rather than physical gratification. Also, Luciferianism is not a dualistic philosophy while Satanism is seen as being bound in their opposition to Christianity.

For Ford the goal is self-deification using antinomianism, something often found in Satanism as well (Cevjan 2023:230). In his book Apotheosis (2019) he presents ” the Luciferian 11 points of power” that aim to explain the central core of Luciferian belief. The focus is on Lucifer as rebellious and striving for autonomy, and to challenge all forms of dogmatism and authorities, and for the Luciferian to strive to self-deification (apotheosis), not to worship Lucifer or any other god. The eleven  points are referred to by the Assembly of Light-Bearers as:

The 11 Points are the basic foundation for the Luciferian Philosophy. They are non-dogmatic and adaptable to the individual to support a Left Hand Path, or self-determined path of power utilizing the continual process of Liberation, Illumination and Apotheosis (https://www.assemblyoflightbearers.org/luciferian-11-points-of-power).

When presenting the differences between Satanism and Luciferianism it´s necessary to remember that Satanism is here presented as the” Other,” and these divisions say little about Satanism as understood by Satanists. Satanism is an equally heterogenic phenomenon, some being materialistic while other are theistic and spiritual, and many forms of Satanism are indistinguishable from Luciferianism, with many using both to describe their practice. One reason to emphasise that there are differences is to create an identity for Luciferianism. In the case of the Neo-Luciferian Church there is an emphasis on the pre-Christian and Gnostic aspects of their teachings that are considered to distinguish their ideals about Lucifer from Satanism. A distinction between Lucifer and Satan is not uncommon and can be found in other forms of Esotericism as well as exemplified by the writings of Robert Ambelain and Jean Chaboseau where Lucifer is related to Venus and contrasted to Satan, ideas also expressed in the modernist poetry of H.D. (1886-1961) (Robinson 2016:107). Luciferians then tend to see Lucifer as less based on Christianity than Satan. While historically indistinguishable, Luciferianism and Satanism have begun to develop as two different forms of spirituality and many Luciferians regard their traditions to be distinct, we need to treat it as such.

While there is no symbol of Luciferianism that is accepted by all, many Luciferians use the seal of Lucifer as a symbol for Lucifer (Image at right). The symbol was part of the seal of Lucifer originally used in the Grimorium Verum from the eighteenth century onward and has been used by both Michael Ford and Asenath Mason. It has today become one of the most popular symbols for Lucifer and has also been adopted by the Swiz avantgarde metal band Zeal and Ardor who present Lucifer as a force against oppression and subjugation (Zeal and Ardor website. n.d.).

RITUALS/PRACTICES

Specific Luciferian groups have distinct rituals, and these also vary in the importance they play. Some, like the Neo-Luciferian Church, uses as structure that are well familiar from other forms of esoteric orders, like co-Masonic orders such as the Ordo Templi Orientis but encourage their members to develop their own understanding and practice. Michael Ford has published extensive ritual writings, often following a ceremonial magical format, often with inspiration from traditional European grimoires and references to non-Wiccan forms of Witchcraft, like those of the Cultus Sabbati. Ford´s books are the most ritualistic, and we find similar formats here as in other twentieth century magical traditions, with the opening of a circle space, developing a body of light, assumption of god-forms, and invocations of “dark entities” (Cevjan 2023:232). Also, the works derived from Dragon Rouge, like those of Thomas Karlsson and Asenath Mason, contain ritual description often focused in the Qliphotic side of the tree of life, often oriented to astral work and travel. Not all Luciferians, however, are as oriented toward rituals, and some are more interested in Luciferianism as a philosophy. All forms of Luciferianism discussed here reject the use of animal sacrifice in their practice; here they are aligned with many forms of Esoteric and Occult traditions that developed in Western Europe and North America in the twentieth century, including most forms of Satanism.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

There are different forms of Luciferian organization, and most Luciferians are probably not even members of a Luciferian organization, which in any event tend to be small, but rather practice alone as a private form of spirituality. An important area for Luciferians to meet is online on platforms like Facebook and Discord groups that can have several thousands of members. Still, this is a poor indication on the level of interest. Organized Luciferian groups many use the structure from co-Masonry and Ceremonial Magical groups like the Hermetic order of the Golden Dawn with fixed degrees. This is mixed with a rejection of authority that can appear paradoxical. Organizations like Assembly of Light Bearers and Temple of Ascending Flame both reject a traditional form of organization and don´t offer conventional forms of membership, being more of a network. Many Luciferian organizations are local in their activities, like the Neo-Luciferian Church, so most Luciferians will work solitary or be members on non-Luciferian groups that still are open to such approaches. There currently are no central figure that can be said to represent most Luciferians.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

Due to the association with Satanism, Luciferians have had to face similar forms of prejudice and hostility as Satanists. One example was the protests in Spring, Texas related to the opening of the Greater Church of Lucifer. This opposition is perhaps also a reason Luciferians have tended to distance themselves from Satanism. Like Satanism and Witchcraft, the term has its origin as an accusatory label and little if no distinction was made between Satanism and Luciferianism originally. Even within Pagan and Occult communities the use of Lucifer can be controversial and connected with black magic and Satanism. For Luciferianism this can pose a challenge in two directions, one is that the connection to Satanism means that the same stigma will become associated with them, the other is that a complete rejection of Satanism and separation of Lucifer from Christian mythology can also lead to the symbol losing meaning and cultural relevance.

While there has been controversy around individual groups using Lucifer either as their focus or as one central aspect of their practice, like the Process Church of the Final Judgment, and there have been internal conflicts, most Luciferian organisations seem to have avoided much public controversy.

IMAGES

 

Image #1: William Blake’s illustration of Lucifer as presented in John Milton’s Paradise Lost.
Image #2: Logo of Lucifer: The Light-Bearer.
Image #3: The seal of Lucifer.

REFERENCES

Aseanth Mason: Author and Artist website. 2024. Accessed from  https://www.asenathmason.com/ on 17 March 2024.

Assembly of Light Bearers website. 2018. Accessed from https://www.assemblyoflightbearers.org/ on 17 March 2024.

Assembly of Light Bearers website. 2018. “Luciferian 11 points of Power” Accessed from https://www.assemblyoflightbearers.org/luciferian-11-points-of-power on 17 March 2024.

Blakinger, Keri. 2017. “Exorcised: Luciferian church looks to start anew after harassment”. Houston Chronicle, April 23. Accessed from https://www.houstonchronicle.com/lifestyle/houston-belief/article/Exorcised-Luciferian-church-looks-to-start-anew-11093429.php on 17 March 2024.

Cevjan, Olivia. 2023.“Michael W. Ford (The Order of Phosphorus, etc), excerpt from The Bible of the Adversary (2007).” Pp. 317-22 in Satanism: A Reader, edited by Per Faxneld and Johan Nilsson. New York: Oxford University Press

Crowley, Aleister. 1998. Magick: Liber ABA, edited by Hymenaeus Beta. York Beach: Weiser.

De Grimston, Robert. 1970. The Gods and Their People. Chicago: Process Church of the Final Judgment, Chicago Chapter.

Faxneld, Per. 2013. “The Devil is Red: Socialist Satanism in the Nineteenth Century.” Numen 60:558-58.

Faxneld, Per. 2011. “The Strange Case of Ben Kadosh: A Luciferian Pamphlet from 1906 and its Current Renaissance.” Aries 1:1-21.

Flowers, Stephen. 1995. Fire and Ice: Magical Teachings of Germany’s Greatest Secret Occult Order. Woodbury: Llewellyn Publications.

Frisvold, Nicholaj de Mattos. 2023. Seven Crossroads of Night: Quimbanda in Theory and Practice. West Yorkshire: Hadean Press.

Gregorius, Fredrik. 2023a.“The Process Church of the Final Judgement, excerpts from “The Gods on War” (1967) & “The Gods and Their People” (1970).” Pp. 187–216 in Satanism: A Reader, edited by Per Faxneld and Johan Nilsson. New York: Oxford University Press.

Gregorius, Fredrik. 2023b. ”Thomas Karlsson (Dragon Rouge), excerpt from Kabbala, kliffot och den goetiska magin (2004).” Pp. 306–316 in Satanism: A Reader, edited by Per Faxneld and Johan Nilsson. New York: Oxford University Press

Granholm, Kennet. 2014. Dark Enlightenment: The Historical, Sociological, and Discursive Contexts of Contemporary Esoteric Magic. Leiden: Brill.

Gregorius, Fredrik. 2013. “Luciferian Witchcraft: At the Crossroads between Paganism and Satanism.” Pp. 229-49 in The Devil’s Party: Satanism in Modernity, edited by Per Faxneld and Jesper Aa. Petersen. New York: Oxford University Press.

Hakl, Hans Thomas. 2013. “The Magical order of Franternitas Saturni.” Pp. 37-66 in Occultism in a Global Perspectives, edited by Henrik Bogdan and Gordan Djurdjevic. Stocksfield: Acumen Publishing.

Hedenborg White, Manon. 2019. The Eloquent Blood: The Goddess Babalon and the Construction of Femininities in Western Esotericism. New York: Oxford University Press

Hedenborg White, Manon and Fredrik Gregorius. 2019. “The Satanic Temple: Secularist Activism and Occulture in the American Political Landscape.” International Journal For the Study of New Religions. 10:89-110. Sheffield: Equinox Publishing.

Howard, Michael. 2016.”Teachings of the Light: Madeline Montalban and the Order of the Morgning Star.” Pp. 55-65 in The Luminous Stone: Lucifer in Western Esotericism, edited by Michael Howard and Daniel A. Schulke. Richmond Vista: Three Hands Press.

Howard, Michael. 2004. The Book of Fallen Angels. Somerset: Capall Bann Publishing.

Introvigne, Massimo. 2016. Satanism: A Social History. Leiden: Brill

Luijk, Ruben van. 2016. Children of Lucifer: The Origins of Modern Religious Satanism. New York: Oxford University Press

Mason, Asenath. 2007. “Necronimicon Gnosis: A practical introduction.” Deep Cuts in a Lovecraftian Vein. Accessed from https://deepcuts.blog/tag/asenath-mason/  on 17 March 2024.

Medway, Gareth J. 2001. Lure of the Sinister: The Unnatural History of Satanism. New York: New York University Press.

Neo-Luciferian Church website. 2013. Accessed from https://web.archive.org/web/20131228124306/http://www.neoluciferianchurch.dk/neo-luciferian-church-welcome.php) on 17 March 2024.

Nilsson, Johan. 2023a. ”Ben Kadosh (aka Carl William Hansen), Den ny morgens gry (1906).” Pp. 122-34 in Satanism: A Reader, edited by Per Faxneld and Johan Nilsson. New York: Oxford University Press

Nilsson, Johan. 2023b. ”Aleister Crowley, “Hymn to Lucifer” (undated) & excerpt from The Book of Thoth (1944).” Pp.  153-73 in Satanism: A Reader, edited by Per Faxneld and Johan Nilsson. New York: Oxford University Press.

Phillips, Julia. 2012. Madeline Montalban: The Magus of St Giles. London: Neptune Press.

Rhodes, Henry Taylor Fowkes. 1965. The Satanic Mass: A Sociological and Criminological Study. London: Arrow.

Robinson, Matte. 2016. The Astral H.D. Occult and Religious Sources and Contexts for H.D´s Poetry and Prose. New York: Bloomsbury.

Schock, Peter A. 2003. Romantic Satanism: myth and the historical moment in Blake, Shelley and Byron. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan

Strube, Julian. 2016. “The ‘Baphomet’ of Eliphas Lévi: Its Meaning and Historical Context.” Correspondences 4. Accessed from https://correspondencesjournal.com/15303-2/) on 17 March 2024.

Temple of Ascending Flame website. n.d. “About Us.” Accessed from http://ascendingflame.com/index.php/about-us/) on 17 March 2024.

Werblowsky, R. J. Zwi. 2007. Lucifer and Prometheus: A Study of Milton´s Satan. Oxon: Routledge.

Zeal and Ardor website. n.d. Accessed from https://www.zealandardor.com/ on 17 March 2024.

Publication Date:
23 March 2024

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Magnificat Meal

MAGNIFICAT MEAL TIMELINE

1953 (June 17):  Debra Burslem was born in Melbourne.

1973:  Debra Burslem married Gordon Geileskey.

1992 (some date to 1986 or 1990):  The Magnificat Meal Movement (MMM) began in Melbourne.

1993:  The Geileskeys’ real estate business collapsed; they relocated to Toowoomba (Queensland).

1993:  The Magnificat Meal Movement arrived in Toowoomba (Queensland). The group soon moved to nearby Helidon.

1995 (December):  The Geileskeys  moved into “Shrine of Mary” at Mary’s Mount, Helidon.

1996 (February):  MMM families begin relocating to Mary’s Mount.

1996 (May 17):  Bishop Morris wrote to Priests indicating the MMM had no official church approval.

1997:  Debra Geileskey clashed with the Parish Priest at Helidon.

1997 (July 1):  Bishop Morris issued a statement reiterating his earlier letter to priests.

1997 (September 1):  Bishop of Toowoomba, William Morris, established a Diocesan Commission of Enquiry to investigate the Magnificat Meal Movement.

1997 (November):  The Commission of Enquiry into the Magnificat Meal Movement completed its first report.

1998 (October):  The Commission of Enquiry into the Magnificat Meal Movement completed its second report.

1998:  An investigation was conducted by the Office of Consumer Affairs of the Queensland Department of Justice into allegations regarding use of monies for religious purposes. There were no negative findings due to insufficient evidence.

1999 (February 11).  Bishop Morris issued an episcopal declaration censuring MMM.

1999 (June):  Debra and Gordon Geilesky separated. Gordon threatened to evict Debra and her followers from convent and denounced his wife as fraud. Debra issued a domestic violence order against husband.

1999 (October):  Former member Wal Maggs self-published a critical book, An End Times Tragedy: Debra Geileskey and the Magnificat Meal Movement.

1999 (October 13):  A judgement in the legal dispute over MMM property was handed down by Justice John Muir in the Supreme Court of Queensland.

2003:  Bishop William Morris wrote to priests in the Diocese of Toowoomba reiterating the status of the Magnificat Meal Movement.

2007:  Debra Geilesky relocated to Vanuatu.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY 

The Magnificat Meal Movement International (MMM) originated in Melbourne (Victoria, Australia) around 1992 (though some sources claim as early as 1986) as a loose-knit set of prayer groups affiliated with strands of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal (CCR) which sought to encourage increased devotion to the Blessed Virgin Mary and the Eucharist. In addition to its devotional concerns, the group also distributed a series of, at times, apocalyptic private revelations allegedly received by the group’s founder Debra Burslem (b.1953), in the form of diaries entitled What Might God Say to Me Today…in Australia. [Image at right]

It is difficult to unravel the early part of Debra Burslem’s biography as her own writings are often contradicted by the information uncovered by journalists and ecclesiastical investigations. Debra Burslem (later Debra Geileskey) was born in Melbourne in 1953 and educated in local parochial Roman Catholic schools and eventually attended teacher training college in the 1970s. She married Gordon Geileskey at around age twenty. It was around this time that she embarked upon a career as a schoolteacher during the late 1970s and early 1980s in the Catholic education system in Victoria, rising to the level of an acting principal before quitting the teaching profession. Debra Geilesky later claimed she was “black-banned” for a close spiritual association with a priest, although this was denied by the priest in question. Other sources, obtained by a later ecclesiastical investigation, suggested that Debra was overly disciplinarian in her treatment of children. Following leaving the teaching profession, Debra Geilesky went into the real estate industry with her then husband, Gordon. The couple’s fortunes were not positive, and according to contemporary reports they were near bankruptcy by the mid-1990s. According to media reports it was around this time that Debra became increasingly involved in the Catholic Charismatic Renewal, through the parish of Our Lady Help of Christians in East Brunswick, Melbourne. [Image at right]

Debra Geileskey became increasingly influential in this milieu, much to the chagrin of the parish priest, who claimed she began to organise against him. This was the first of a series of conflicts between Geileskey and the parochial Catholic clergy over the succeeding years. It was around this time, in 1993, that Debra Geileskey claimed that she was given a “miraculous sign,” and she and her husband relocated to Toowoomba in Southeast Queensland. Upon arrival the group continued its activities under the auspices of prayer groups in the Holy Name Parish in Toowoomba. Once again tensions over oversight emerged with the parish priest, with Geileskey and her followers decamping to Helidon and purchasing a disused convent called Mary’s Mount, located behind the parish church of St Joseph’s.

Over the ensuing years the group became an increasingly controversial presence within the Diocese of Toowoomba. While initially Bishop William Morris [Image at right] had permitted the group to operate in his diocese, he had not given any official approval and was awaiting further documentation. During this early period Bishop Morris had received both Debra and Gordon Geileskey in his office to discuss the movement. Concerns were raised, however, when the movement began publishing Debra’s diaries, which contained various bizarre claims about the Church. Over time Debra began to claim that the Church, at the instigation of the Devil, was persecuting her.

In mid-1996 Bishop Morris responded to these claims in a first letter to priests in his diocese in which he noted that questions had been raised regarding the movement’s status in the Church, its orthodoxy, its alleged private revelations and miracles, and its financial activities. Distancing himself from the group, Bishop Morris concluded the letter by noting that “from this moment in time until further notice the Magnificat Meal Movement has no standing within this Diocese.” Bishop Morris, however, left the door open to the group.

After a year, when it became clear that Debra was not interested in rapprochement, Bishop Morris issued a second public statement in which he reiterated his earlier letter:

I stated then and I state again now that the Magnificat Meal Movement is a private movement sponsored and foundered by Debra Geileskey. It is of Debra and has absolutely nothing to do with the Catholic Church. There is no Church approval of the Magnificat Meal Movement or for the alleged private revelations and visions of Debra.  Those who attend and participate in the practices of the Magnificat Meal Movement do so as private individuals and not as members of the Catholic Church. 

Bishop Morris repeated his warnings of the previous May, noting that there “is clear evidence of the half-truths and inconsistencies in statements and reports made by the Magnificat Meal Movement,” and, moreover, that “The Magnificat Meal Movement uses traditional Catholic practices to entrap people into a sect or cult that is not Catholic.” Morris considered the movement to be damaging to its members, concluding that:

The confusion and the hurt surrounding Debra and her movement saddens me for there have been many who through traditional devotion to Eucharist and to Mary have experienced conversion of heart and deepened their faith in the Risen Lord.
Unfortunately because of the half-truths, the inconsistencies and in some instances the lack of orthodoxy concerning aspects of statements made and practices performed, the Magnificat Meal Movement places itself outside the catholic Church.

Mary’s Mount, however, continued to attract a significant influx of pilgrims for First Saturday devotions and other events, drawing busloads from as far away as Ireland. Meanwhile, the Magnificat Meal Movement increased its property holdings around Helidon. Debra also began to collect a considerable amount of funds toward plans to build a Basilica at Mary’s Mount. Followers later claimed that these donations were obtained under false pretences. Investigations by Australian regulatory authorities continued until as recently as 2016.

With the sizeable number of pilgrims continuing to attend First Saturday devotions in Helidon, and the influx of supporters living at Mary’s Mount, in September 1997 Bishop Morris established a commission to investigate the Magnificat Meal Movement, following the (then classified) norms set down by the Vatican Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith for investigating alleged apparitions. This commission produced two reports, and subsequently consulted with the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith on further actions. Debra was expressly invited to participate, but refused, later claiming not to have received an invitation. The findings of the commission were negative. Its final report recommended a strategy of not provoking further controversy and simply reaffirming the position already stated by Bishop Morris in 1996. More importantly, the final report recommended providing both Eucharistic and Marian devotional outlets within the diocese, as well as offering psychological and spiritual support for those who decided to leave the movement. To this end, Bishop Morris issued a Declaration on February 11, 1999, in which he stated:

On the basis of all the information available it can only be concluded that the alleged apparitions associated with the Magnificat Meal Movement are devoid of any supernatural origin. The writings published by the Movement itself also lead to the inevitable conclusion that it neither has, nor desires, any place in the Catholic Church.

Moreover, Bishop Morris quoted the response of the Secretary of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith who noted, among other things, that:

There is an obvious lack of due respect and obedience to legitimate authority and a disregard for Church discipline. It is misleading, to say the least, that these attitudes should be presented as inspired by Our Blessed Lady. None of this can come from a good source…All of this constitutes a clear danger to many good people who may be lead away from proper obedience and loyalty to the Church.

Meanwhile, as the turn of the millennium fast approached, the group’s behaviour became increasingly concerning to authorities. In April 1999, Debra together with fourteen members of the movement pleaded guilty to disturbing a worship service at St Joseph’s Church in Helidon. Soon after authorities began to investigate what they feared were plans for a mass suicide by members of the group. The same year also witnessed attempts by Debra’s estranged husband Gordon to evict members from the group’s property at Mary’s Mount and widespread media coverage including two nationally broadcast documentaries Slaves of the Eucharist and Two Roads to Helidon. No mass suicide took place and following the turn of the millennium the group has largely faded into obscurity, only occasionally popping up as part of periodic media exposés.

In 2003, in a final public comment on the matter, Bishop Morris reiterated his earlier statements and warned priests of the need for permission to celebrate the sacraments within his diocese. This letter also noted the need to pastorally care and pray for those within the group and those who choose to leave. In this letter Bishop Morris was emphatic that he considered the group a “cult,” noting:

Throughout the world there are many similar cult like movements which have caused great distress to individuals and families because they take away people’s freedom to think for themselves.  Some members realising this have accepted the invitation of the Church to move away from this cult.

After this time the movement’s activities have attracted far less attention, outside of the occasional cult exposé stories following a series of further defections of key members over the ensuing years. Since 2007, the group’s founder has been resident in the island nation of Vanuatu and the group’s only public presence appears to be online through its website.

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS

Several volumes of What Might God Say to Me Today…in Australia  are held in the National Library of Australia. [Image at right] In addition to this are the statements of Bishop Morris and various analyses undertaken by scholars. Other helpful resources include a dissertation by Irish cult watcher Mike Garde and a self-published book by former member, Wal Maggs, entitled An End Times Tragedy.

In general, the Magnificat Meal Movement initially shared the belief structures common to many of the Marian apparitional movements which have periodically emerged in Roman Catholicism since the nineteenth century. In terms of specific emphases, one finds many of the features of these movements including Eucharistic adoration, devotions to Mary through prayer and consecrations, warnings against social sin, eschatological tinged language, warnings of natural disasters, and calls to repentance. Also common in the Magnificat Meal Movement’s private revelations were attacks on the local clergy and vast conspiracy theories regarding wider corruption within the Church.

Our Spirit is upon this land, redeeming and renewing as never before. 
O Spirit call forth those the Father has chosen to go out into the harvest.
The harvest is ripe, Father. My suffering is freely given
My distress calls upon My fellow sufferers.
To repair the wounds of sin in this land.
O Father You are glorified through this resounding love.
Australia – receive love.
The Father and the Son breath the Spirit of love upon you.
Be made one with love, in love and through love.
O Southern land, so desolate in the filth of your sin.
I will gather you up. I have suffered for your salvation.
From this filth and squalor (of sin) that you have become, I will remake you to shine like a precious jewel in the Father’s crown. (What Might God Say to Me Today…in Australia Diary 6, 6 July 1992).

The group’s relationship with the institutional Roman Catholic Church, as suggested by the history above, has been fraught from the outset for both organizational and ideological reasons which are commonly found across the wider Marian apparition milieu. For example, at various times the group has flirted with Catholic traditionalism, and its approach to the Second Vatican Council has been ambivalent, fluctuating between affirming or condemning the Council depending largely on the whims of the leadership.  Similarly, at various stages the Magnificent Meal Movement has sought to align itself with various religious bodies both within a Catholic milieu and further afield. During he late 1990s, for example, Burslem attempted to align herself with dissident traditionalists from the Society of St Pius X (SSPX). However, the Society (traditionally skeptical regarding private revelations) was not receptive to this and concluded by suggesting that an examination could go much deeper, that:

Suffice it to say that, with the study made so far, there are enough proofs to conclude that the Magnificat Meal Movement cannot come from God.  Moreover it certainly leads to Protestantism by its Protestant approach to the Bible, to the Holy Eucharist, and by by-passing the submission to the Holy Catholic Church (Couture 2001).

Burslem made similar approaches to the Melkite Eparchy (who similarly rejected her overtures) and, according to one former member, local Seventh-Day Adventist congregations. Evidence suggests that these shifting emphases appear to follow the whims of the leadership.

MMM was confronted by the tabloid television program A Current Affair in Vanuatu in early 2015. Since that time it has become far more difficult to trace the Magnificat Meal Movement’s shifting belief system through its seemingly erratic online development through its website and its presence in Australia. It is rare for a group to receive the kind of media or public attention that MMM has garnered throughout the 1990s and early 2000s. MMM is now only discussed when former members are interviewed in the media.

More recently, the group’s website and YouTube channel have become largely an output for the occasional musings and personal interests of Burslem. They comprise a pastiche of New Age healing mixed with a veneer of eclectic Christian imagery, and some recordings of Christian hymns, with an occasional hint of the group’s earlier apocalyptic emphasis and conspiracy theories. Indeed, there is little today to distinguish the Magnificat Meal Movement from other wellness blogs, and so far as can be surmised from this online presence it is unclear whether the movement continues to have any real offline presence.

RITUALS/PRACTICES

As with its belief system, much of the Magnificat Meal Movement’s original ritual repertoire is drawn from traditional Roman Catholic practices. From the outset the group focused on devotional piety, in particularly Eucharistic devotion; indeed, the group members often referred to themselves as the “Slaves of the Eucharist.” The group listed eight stated aims in a pamphlet entitled “Come Join the Pilgrimage” issued in September 1998:

To participate in the Mission of the Church for the salvation of souls.
To promote and encourage Adoration of Jesus Christ, truly present in the Blessed Sacrament.
To foster evangelization and a more widespread opportunity for Adoration of Jesus Christ, by encouraging members to act as Missionaries of the Eucharist, to personally (sic.) Adoration and awareness of our God.
To promote fidelity to, and to live in conformity with, the authentic teaching authority of Christ, as expressed through His Church and His Vicar on earth.
To promote and foster devotion to Christ, through the Blessed Virgin Mary, in accordance with the traditions of the Church and the teaching of Chapter Eight of Vatican II document, Lumen Gentium, and to encourage the daily recitation of the Rosary as recommended by every Pope holding office this century.
To encourage First Saturday devotions in reparation for our personal sins and the sins of the world, as approved by Holy Mother Church.
To distribute the Icon entitled Mary, Co-Redemptrix; Mediator of All Graces and Advocate, to explain its symbolism and to legitimately participate in efforts, both prayerfully and actively, for the Church to declare, as a Dogma of Faith, that Mary is Co-Redemptrix, Mediatrix of All Graces and Advocate. By this (sic) means we pray that Jesus our King may come to reign in all hearts through the Motherly intercession of Mary.
To welcome all persons of good will into the presence and teaching of the Lord.

While many of these aims were, by mainstream Catholic standards, uncontroversial, the group’s advocacy of Mary as Co-Redemptrix, Mediatrix, and Advocate was controversial, especially after 1999.

In terms of behavioral norms, the Magnificat Meal Movement exhibited many behaviors like other conservative Catholic groups.  According to former members, who have become a major source of information, the group restricted clothing options for the purposes of modesty. Followers were not permitted to wear shorts or t-shirts. Members were banned from reading magazines. Neither CDs nor radio were permitted. Other practices were more idiosyncratic. Former members have spoken of restrictions on Christmas trees and on the celebration of birthdays, Mother’s Day, and even Easter. Within the group’s community, followers were encouraged to tithe to the movement, often in the form of cash, and to work on its properties. The group was conspicuous for its long blue robes or dresses which were worn both in the cloister and in the wider community. [Image at right]

Following the 1999 Declaration of Bishop Morris, the trajectory of the group’s rituals and practices has become significantly more difficult to trace. According to former members, the group’s severing of ties with the Catholic Church appears to have led to the abandonment of the devotional emphases of earlier times and a significant number of members left and were reintegrated into the Catholic Church. Mainstream.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

While there is some dispute regarding who the founder of the Magnificat Meal Movement was (one article suggests the Magnificat Meal Movement was founded by someone else), the group never developed a clear leadership or organizational structure outside of the charismatic leadership of Debra Geileskey. While the group produced several ephemeral documents outlining aspects of its beliefs, there is far less information available about its organization.  According to some sources the group operated as a company Our Lady’s Mount Pty Ltd, which was registered between 1995 and 2019; however, the exact relationship between this company and the movement is not clear and at one stage legal action took place between the two entities. This confusion between the two entities was noted in the Supreme Court of Queensland in 1999, where Justice John Muir observed that:

Of the three directors of OLM, Mrs Geileskey was the one most actively involved in the management of its day to day financial affairs. She was also the person who had the most central role in the management of the Movement’s financial affairs.

Moreover, Justice Muir found that:

The complexity of the legal issues for determination in this matter arises, to a considerable degree, from the fact that the directors of OLM and Magnificat Meal have tended to act in disregard of legal entities and concepts when dealing with the large sums of money donated for the purposes of the Movement.

While Justice Muir was not asked to rule on these specific issues, his ruling suggested that there was perhaps further legal action to be taken regarding Geileskey’s fiduciary obligations and accountability, noting that “Mrs Geileskey was a director of Magnificat Meal and OLM and the guiding force of Magnificat Meal at all times.” Indeed, this was not the first time this was raised, and earlier concerns were raised by the Catholic Church about the lack of accountability outside of Geileskey and her immediate family and this increased tensions with the mainstream Church. In its second report, submitted to the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith a year earlier in 1998, the Diocesan Commission concluded that it “finds unanswered questions regarding financial accountability and has concerns that every activity of the Movement is seemingly accompanied by a range of profit-making activities.” Moreover, in the group’s post-Roman Catholic phase it is difficult to identify any other figures involved other than Geileskey.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

As the history above indicates, from the outset the group has been the subject of a series of both internal and external controversies. These are best divided into ecclesiastical, legal, and civil disputes. Perhaps the most repeated controversies have related to the group’s status in relation to the Roman Catholic Church. Like numerous other Marian apparition movements to emerge in the past century the Magnificat Meal Movement has had an ambivalent relationship with the hierarchy of the Church. As noted above, initially Bishop Morris sought to take a pastoral line with the group and met with Gordon and Debra Geileskey. This relationship soured, however, when questions were raised and Debra became increasingly scathing of individual clergy, making various unsubstantiated claims about individual priests. This led to an official Diocesane Commission, which drew the ultimate conclusion that:

After examining all the written and oral evidence, this Commission can find nothing to substantiate her claims of supernatural revelations and apparitions, nor of miraculous events associated with them.

Over the years MMM sought to adopt a series of strategies to overcome this including attempts to bypass the authority of the local bishop through alliance with either canonically irregular groups or through Eastern Rite Catholic Churches.

In terms of legal disputes, the Magnificat Meal Movement, its members, and its associated legal entities have been involved in a series of issues ranging from disturbing worship services, to child custody and property disputes. Moreover, the group’s activities in the town of Helidon have resulted in a considerable amount of antipathy in the wider community, most clearly evident in the documentaries Slaves of the Eucharist and The Road to Helidon. [Image at right]

While the circumstances of Debra Geileskey’s move to Vanuatu has remained a source of speculation, with some suggesting this was to avoid potential legal proceedings against her. Meanwhile, the group appears to be in terminal decline. Moreover, its alienation from its Catholic moorings and abandonment of all the Catholic devotional practices has cut-off its only real source for the recruitment of future members.  It remains controversial in Vanuatu and the subject of ongoing scrutiny by former members.

IMAGES

Image #1: Debra Burslem Geileskey.
Image #2: Our Lady Help of Christians Parish in East Brunswick, Victoria.
Image #3: Bishop William Morris of Toowoomba.
Image #4: Cover of What Might God Say to Me Today…in Australia.
Image #5: Magnificat Meal Movement Members.
Image #6: St Joseph’s Catholic Church, Helidon, Queensland.

REFERENCES

Couture, Daniel. 2001. “The Magnificat Meal Movement – An Assessment.” SSPX Newsletter of the District of Asia, January-June. Accessed from https://sspxasia.com/Newsletters/2001/Jan-Mar/magnificat-meal-movement.htm on 15 March 2024.

Dobbyn, Paul. 2015. “Warning on cults.” The Catholic Leader, April 21. Accessed from https://catholicleader.com.au/news/warning-on-cults/ on 15 March 2024.

Doherty, Bernard. 2017. “Marian Arks Cut Adrift: The Post-Roman Catholic Development of Two Australian Marian Apparitional Movements.” Pp. 98-121 in Mariology at the Beginning of the Third Millennium, edited by Kevin Wagner et al. Eugene: Wipf and Stock.

Gearing, Amanda and Paul Whittaker. 1999. “Donors to sect basilica plan want cash back.” The Courier-Mail. July 17, p. 5.

Griffith, Chris. 1999. “Clouded Vision.” The Sunday Mail, June 27, p. 6.

Kahl, Janet and Bernard Doherty. 2016. “Channelling Mary in the New Age: The Magnificat Meal Movement.” Alternative Spirituality and Religion Review 7:295–313.

Owen, Ray. 1999. “ ‘Why I quit Helidon cult’.” The Catholic Leader, July 4, p. 9.

Murray, David. 2015. “A life of luxury for sect chief.” Courier Mail, February 22, p. 28.

A Current Affair. 2015. “Queensland MMM cult leader tracked down and confronted in Vanuatu.” February 15. Accessed from https://www.9news.com.au/national/queensland-mmm-cult-leader-confronted-in-vanuatu/e689870a-722e-4f78-8653-f91926b97e05 on 15 March 2024.

Wear, Peter. 1996. “Holy Orders.” The Bulletin, August 13, p. 38.

Publication Date:
19 March 2024

 

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Concerned Christians

CONCERNED CHRISTIANS TIMELINE

1954 (April 20):  Monte Kim Miller was born in Burlington, Colorado.

1974:  Miller married his first wife, Dana.

1983:  Miller and Dana divorced.

1983-1984:  Miller reported converting to Christianity.

1980’s (mid-decade):  The group Concerned Christians was formed by Miller.

1996:  Miller began a radio show called “Our Foundation.”

1996 (June):  Miller proclaimed himself to be one of the two end time witnesses of Revelation 11, and a prophet of God.

1998 (September):  Miller, and perhaps as many as seventy-two disciples, sold or left behind their possessions and families, and headed to Jerusalem, Israel.

1998 (October 10):  Miller prophesied an earthquake would destroy Denver, CO, setting in motion the impending apocalypse. The date passed without incident.

1999 (January 3):  Israeli police detained fourteen Concerned Christian members, alleging that the members were in Jerusalem to attempt to violently precipitate the second coming of Christ and the imminent apocalypse.

1999 (January 9):  All fourteen detained members were returned to Denver. Most of the returnees and some other members of the Concerned Citizens left the U.S. and traveled to Greece.

1999 (December):  Eighteen members of the Concerned Citizens were deported from Greece “after overstaying their residence permits.”

2002 (February 15):  Miller announced that the seventh angel sounded his trumpet, marking this day as the 777th day of the 7th millennium. Predicted by the Book of Revelations, this day would set the end-of-the-world-events in motion, starting with a holocaust in the United States.

FOUNDER/GROUP HISTORY

Monte Kim Miller [Image at right] was born on April 20, 1954 in the farming community of Burlington, Colorado to a family that was not religiously devout. Not much is known about the details of Miller’s early life. Miller took a marketing job with a pharmaceutical company just out of college and began to build a life with his wife, Dana, according to family members. The couple divorced after moving to Denver in 1983” (Shore 1999). Miller also worked for a time as a marketing executive at Proctor & Gamble.

Prior to his conversion to Christianity in 1983, Miller did not attend church. He claimed to have had a conversion experience after listening to Bill Bright, founder and president of Campus Crusade for Christ (later known as Cru). Miller received no formal theological training or education, thus allowing him to claim that he learned only from God and that he avoided the pitfalls of organized religious teachings.

In the early 1980’s, while working at Proctor & Gamble, Miller was an who lectured at local churches about the dangers of “cults.” Miller then formed Concerned Christians to counter the New Age movement and what he regarded as the anti-Christian media bias. Report from Concerned Christians, one of Miller’s newsletters, entertained such topics as feminist spirituality, the Harmonic Convergence of 1987, New Age trends infiltrating churches, alternative medicines, the World-Faith Movement, and the Roman Catholic Church. This served as the precursor to his formal attacks on organized Christianity.

In the 1990s, Concerned Christians began to create a greater public presence. The group began publishing two newsletters every two months, Report from the Concerned Christians and the Take Heed Update. Miller’s radio program, Our Foundation, began airing in 1996 (Leppäkari 2014). That same year he claimed he was a prophet who was “the voice of God” (“Concerned Christians” 2008) and was one of the two witnesses presented in the story of Revelation 11. Also during his radio show, Miller predicted an earthquake would destroy Denver on October 10, 1998 and set in motion the apocalypse, that he would be violently murdered in the streets of Jerusalem in December 1999, and that he would be resurrected three days later. Miller’s radio show was taken off the air after he refused to pay for air time. He justified his actions with the claim that God instructed him not to pay. Miller and his second wife, Marcie, filed for bankruptcy in October 1997, showing $142,628 in assets but $748,852 in debts. He demanded $100,000 from all of his disciples to pay off the debt and warned them that they would go to hell if they did not cooperate. Some members reportedly donated their properties to Miller (Leppäkari 2014).

On September 30, 1998, Miller and seventy-eight of his members suddenly abandoned their homes and migrated to Jerusalem, most likely to avoid the supposed destruction of Denver. The members of the group quietly disappeared with little connection with friends or relatives in the United States. The group seemed to all but vanish until an Israeli police raid, which was was carried out in coordination with the Israeli Center for Victims of Cults, on two homes in the Mevasseret Zion suburb took place. Fourteen members of the Concerned Christians cult were detained and later deported back Colorado for “overstaying their visa limits.” Upon returning to the U.S. the members boarded a bus and later fled to several different locations. Some fled to Greece (and were returned to the U.S shortly thereafter), others to the Philadelphia area, and yet others to areas unknown. Miller’s whereabouts have remained a mystery.

DOCTRINE/BELIEFS

The only record of the group’s beliefs are Miller’s original forty-five recorded audio tapes from Our Foundation. The early beliefs of the Concerned Christian group mirrored most of the views of fundamental religious groups with an emphasis on the New Testament and the Gospel of Matthew. Miller preached on the importance of attaining the fruits of the Holy Spirit through a spiritual rebirth. He added that this is the age of humility, and humility is at the center of the fruits of the Holy Spirit. Some fruits of the Holy Spirit include long-suffering, joy, peace, humbleness, love, goodness, and faith.

The means to achieving this spiritual rebirth can be summarized as “cross-carrying,” the death of the self, humbling oneself before believers and nonbelievers, resisting Satan (not evil), and distancing oneself from law-making and government positions.

Cross-carrying refers to being able to identify with the suffering Christ experienced on the road to his crucifixion. Humans must be humble and meek in their hearts and actions to diminish themselves and allow room for Christ to fill an individual. Only through a complete diminishing of the self, while simultaneously filling with Christ through the fruits of the Holy Spirit, will the Holy Spirit present itself in a person and in the world.  Characteristics of the self-include selfishness, self-centeredness, and self-interest.  The only positive form of the self is self-improvement, but the only action viewed as self-improvement is the death of the self and manifestation of the Holy Spirit in an individual.  The death of the self is the key to walking in the light of Christ with the Holy Spirit.

Miller has asserted that this world is ruled by Satan and thus teaches that one should not resist evil, but Satan. A person is actually resisting Satan when they resist the evil perpetrated against them. Miller implores true believers to bless the people who curse them, to do good to the people who hate them, and to pray for those who evilly use them. Self-defense and non-violence are condemned forms of action. They are viewed as unbiblical by Miller. Individuals are to accept accusations posed against them and forgive their enemies. Miller preaches that believers should see Christ’s light shining through all individuals. To mirror the example of Christ, one must not condemn their oppressors or adversaries. Miller states that the New Testament’s emphasis on Christ’s world of grace trumps the Old Testament’s rule of law.

To aid his followers in the avoidance of the pitfalls of this “fallen world,” Miller has warned people of the dangers of laws, law making, and governmental systems, and tells his followers not to take part in any law-making processes or government work. Miller taught that America is Babylon the Great and is ruled over by the great emperor Satan. One must avoid the agents of Satan (politicians). Miller also states that no one has legitimate right to judge nonbelievers.

As Miller summed up his own thought (Leppäkari 2014:126-27):

We are of a heavenly kingdom church and we operate on completely different principles, preaching that the love of Jesus Christ can redeem the most evil people, no matter what they have done. See, that’s our message to the world. That’s what we are to give them … the Lord has chosen us out of the world. That’s his purpose for us as we walk with him.

ORGANIZATION/LEADERSHIP

Monte Kim Miller is the only publicly known church official. He has announced himself as a prophet. He has claimed that God was using him as a messenger to speak directly to his followers, and therefore Miller’s pronouncements are God speaking (Davies 2000). While Miller clearly was the public face of the movement, he apparently was not present when the group moved to Israel, and there is no evidence of his functioning as a leader after that point. [Image at right]

The Concerned Christians were functioning as a group internally until their deportation from Israel. Externally their presence was largely on the internet. Around 2001 Miller created a website (Kim Miller and the Called  and Chosen  and Faithful website n.d.). Its initial purpose appears to have been to sell the original forty-five audio tapes broadcast on his radio program, Our Foundation. The website subsequently listed hundreds of recordings by Miller. On February 20, 2002, Miller posted an email that condemned Christians who believed that they could live both as good Christians and as patriots to their countries. There were no further postings and the website was largely unattended.

ISSUES/CHALLENGES

It is not surprising that the Concerned Christians quickly encountered stiff and determined resistance. Miller’s innovations on Christian theology, his quasi-messianic claims for himself, and his condemnation of mainstream religions were certain to and did generate rejection and rebuke. His apocalyptic pronouncements also destabilized the stability favored by mainstream religious traditions. All of this was more than sufficient to generate the antagonistic media coverage that Concerned Christians and Miller received.

By the 1990s cult-monitoring groups were well established, and Concerned Christians became just another case of a “dangerous cult.” Proponents stepped forward to testify that Miller “is practicing behavioral modification and mind control” (Davies 2000). Potential violence was an important theme in this coverage. For example, the daughter of a Concerned Christian member reported a memory of her mother: “My mother told me that if Kim Miller told her to kill me, she would” (“Kim Miller” 1998).

Formal governmental action was particularly consequential for the movement. When the Concerned Christians attempted to migrate to Israel, apparently without Miller, the group immediately became a focus of attention for Israeli law enforcement. While it is unclear that law enforcement had any actual evidence, police officials alleged that the group was planning an armed confrontation near the Church of the Holy Sepulcher where it is believed Jesus’ tomb is situated (Robinson 2002). Early in 1999, Concerned Christians were deported from Israel. The group fragmented at that point, and Miller simply disappeared. While a largely unattended website has remained online, Miller has never publicly resurfaced, and the already small group splintered. Recent media coverage indicates that the movement’s leader and its remaining membership continue to live in seclusion (Bohlen 2023).

IMAGES

Image #1: Monte Kim Williams.
Image #2: Concerned Christians logo.

REFERENCES

Bohlen, Teague. 2023. “Mother God One of (Too) Many Colorado Cults.” Westword.com, December 5. Accessed from https://www.westword.com/news/mother-gods-love-has-won-one-of-many-colorado-cults-18425373 on 10 March 2024.

“Concerned Christians and Kim Miller.” 2008. Concerned Christians and Kim Miller. The Apologetics Index. Accessed from http://www.apologeticsindex.org/c35.html on 10 March 2024.

Davies, Eryl. 2000. “Concerning Cults – Concerned Christians (2).” Evangelical Times. Accessed from http://www.evangelical-times.org/archive/item/1341/Cults-and-other-religions/Concerning-Cults—Concerned-Christians–2-/ on 12 May 2013.

Israeli Police Detain Cult Group.” 1999. Lubbock Avalanche-Journal. Accessed from http://lubbockonline.com/stories/010499/LA0690.shtml on 12 May 2013.

Kim Miller and the Called  and Chosen  and Faithful website. n.d. Accessed from http://www.kimmillerconcernedchristians.com/ on 10 March 2024.

Kim Miller Rocky Mountain News.” 1998. Cephas Library. Accessed from http://www.cephas-library.com/discernment/kimmiller.html on 12 May 2013.

Leppäkari, Maria. 2014. “Apocalyptic Management by Monte Kim Miller.” Journal of Religion and Violence 2:122-34.

Miller, Monte K. 2001. “Kim Miller Concerned Christians – Unsealing Bible Prophecy.” Accessed from http://kimmillerconcernedchristians.com/ on 12 May 2013.

Robinson, B. A. 2002. “The Concerned Christians Cult.” Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance.  Accessed from http://www.religioustolerance.org/dc_conc.htm on 10 May 2013.

Shore, Sandy. 1999.  “PROFILE: Cult ‘mastermind’ Monte Kim Miller.” The Rick A. Ross Institute. Accessed from http://www.rickross.com/reference/cc/cc16.html on 12 May 2013.

Publication Date:
17 March 2024

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Wai Lun Tam

Tam Wai Lun is Professor in the Department of Cultural and Religious Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.

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