Christine L. Cusack Lori G. Beaman

Women in the Fundamentalist Latter Day Saint Movements

WOMEN IN THE FUNDAMENTALIST LATTER DAY SAINT MOVEMENTS TIMELINE

1820:  Mormonism’s founder, Joseph Smith Jr., had his “First Vision” at the age of fourteen near Palmyra, New York.

1827 (January 18):  Joseph Smith and his legal wife Emma Hale married in South Bainbridge, New York.

1830:  The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) officially organized in Fayette Township, New York. The Book of Mormon was published.

Mid-1830s:  Joseph Smith clandestinely married Fanny Alger in Kirtland, Ohio.

1841 (April):  Joseph Smith married his first official plural wife, Louisa Beaman, in Nauvoo, Illinois.

1842:  The Relief Society, a leadership and service auxiliary group for LDS women, was organized.

1844 (June 27):  Joseph Smith and his brother Hyrum Smith were killed by a mob in Carthage, Illinois. Brigham Young became second president of LDS Church.

1846–1847:  Brigham Young led members of the LDS Church on a westward migration, eventually settling in the Salt Lake Valley.

1852:  The LDS Church publicly proclaimed the doctrine of plural marriage in Salt Lake City.

1886:  Fundamentalists asserted that LDS Church President John C. Taylor received divine instruction about the continuation of plural marriage.

1887:  The U.S. Congress passed the Edmunds-Tucker Act prohibiting polygamy in the Utah Territory and permitting the seizure of LDS Church assets.

1890:  LDS Church President Wilford Woodruff issued a manifesto calling for an official end to polygamy. Fundamentalists rejected the manifesto and continued their belief in plural marriage as divinely ordained.

1929–1935:  The numerous schisms among those claiming authority to maintain the practice of plural marriage gradually shaped individually identifiable groups such as the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (FLDS, 1929), the Apostolic United Brethren (AUB, 1929), and the Kingston Group (1935), among others.

1935:  Short Creek, Arizona was established as polygamous community by FLDS Church members.

1953:  The FLDS community at Short Creek raided by authorities from state of Arizona; 263 children were held in state custody.

2006 (August):  FLDS leader Warren Jeffs was arrested in Nevada on charges of sexual assault.

2008 (April 3):  The FLDS community at Yearning for Zion Ranch near El Dorado, Texas raided by state authorities, during which 439 children were put into state custody. The children were eventually reunited with their families after the court ruled state actions were unjustified.

2011:   After a series of trials in Utah, Arizona, and Texas, FLDS leader Warren Jeffs was convicted of sexually assaulting minors and sentenced to life in prison.

HISTORY OF WOMEN AND PLURAL MARRIAGE

The early development of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS Church or Mormon Church) harkens back to the nineteenth-century historical period known as the Second Great Awakening. Categorized among the restorationist Christian traditions, Latter-day Saints (LDS) are also commonly referred to as Mormons, a designation referencing their core scripture, the Book of Mormon (1830). Latter Day Saint movements are those independent Latter Day Saint traditions that split off from the original LDS Church founded by Joseph Smith Jr. (1805–1844) in 1830. As the founding narrative, Smith’s “First Vision” in 1820 recounts the visit of two divine beings (God the Father and his Son Jesus Christ). Though multiple accounts vary, it is revered in Mormonism as the beginning of a process in which early Christianity was restored to the earth. (For a more detailed overview of the early LDS Church history see Mason and Mauss 2013).

On January 18, 1827, Smith married Emma Hale in South Bainbridge, New York, and in the following years formulated his ideas on polygamy based on study of the Hebrew Bible. Though contested, the historical record points to his relationship with boarder and maid Fanny Alger in Kirtland, Ohio during the mid-1830s as the first of more than thirty plural unions. Motivated in great part by persecution, Mormons continued their westward migration, settling in Nauvoo, Illinois in 1839 where Smith married additional wives, ranging in age from fourteen to fifty-six. Certain historical interpretations indicate Smith’s first wife Emma may have initially accepted polygamy while others point to her being deeply vexed by the practice (“Plural Marriage in Kirtland and Nauvoo” n.d.). Smith kept the knowledge of many of his plural marriages secret from Emma, using the biblical Law of Sarah as justification for marrying more women despite her dissent (“Plural Marriage in Kirtland and Nauvoo” n.d.).

In 1844, The Nauvoo Expositor published an exposé of Smith’s and other Mormon apostles’ polygamous unions. Smith, who was mayor of Nauvoo at the time, ordered the destruction of the printing press. In the ensuing chaos, he and his brother Hyrum were jailed in Carthage, Illinois; both were later killed by a mob. Brigham Young became the next prophet of the LDS Church, and in 1846, led the epic westward Mormon migration, eventually crossing the Rocky Mountains into the Salt Lake Valley where they settled.

After the LDS Church publicly acknowledged the doctrine of polygamy on August 29, 1852, the next two decades saw a rise in both public resistance and the threat of government intervention in the Utah Territory. The federal government passed anti-polygamy legislation known as the Edmunds-Tucker Act in 1887, and the subsequent seizure of Church property and assets (combined with imprisonment of many leaders) compelled a reconsideration of polygamy by LDS leaders as an unsustainable practice. In 1890, the LDS Church issued an official proclamation by LDS Church President Wilford Woodruff declaring an end to the practice of plural marriage. The Manifesto, as it came to be known, was not universally accepted nor lived by members.  Doctrinal rifts continuing into the 1900s, primarily over the question of polygamy, splintered the emergent religion into numerous groups. Members of the mainstream Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (who comprise the largest number of adherents worldwide) gradually abandoned the practice after plural marriage became an excommunicable offense post-Manifesto (Hardy 1993). However, breakaway fundamentalist groups continued to practice plural marriage based on their enduring belief in the 1886 revelation received by then-LDS President John Taylor.

Extant organizations such as the Apostolic United Brethren (AUB), the Kingston group, and the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (FLDS), among others, all have some doctrinal, kinship or cultural ties to early Mormonism. Fundamentalist Mormons maintain discrete communities primarily in the western United States (Arizona, Montana, Nevada, Texas, and Utah), Western Canada, and Mexico. Scholars who study fundamentalist groups estimate the number of Mormon individuals who practice polygamy in the United States to be between 40,000 and 50,000 (Bennion and Joffe 2016b: 6).

DOCTRINES/BELIEFS CONCERNING WOMEN’S ROLES

A diversity of beliefs exists among fundamentalist Mormon groups, although core doctrines linked to historical Mormonism revolve around the notion of families being sealed together for this life and the next. Believers affirm plural marriage as essential to salvation and assert that men and women cannot achieve the highest levels of existence in the heavens, or the “celestial kingdom,” without practicing the divine order of marriage. Maternity is considered to be a woman’s highest purpose, and large families are a hallmark of fundamentalist Mormon social life. “Mormon fundamentalism balances the deprivations and difficulties of the lives of polygamous wives with a promise of an afterlife as ‘queens and priestesses’” (Bennion and Joffee 2016b:12). A foundational belief that “families are forever,” i.e. that kinship bonds remain intact throughout eternity, reinforces the notion that marriage and children are the central focus of one’s mortal existence. Procreation within marriage is considered necessary for salvation, with motherhood understood to be a woman’s highest earthly calling. Navigating relational sisterhood between wives married to the same man is likewise believed to forge personal qualities such as selflessness, compassion, and a cheerful disposition towards service, all highly valued in fundamentalist Mormon ideology and in the broader LDS traditions. Thus, character traits formed during one’s earthly life are believed to shape one’s experiences in the afterlife as well.

Contrary to other Christian traditions where the biblical canon is considered closed, Mormons acknowledge continuing revelation through a male prophet. Such a pattern of male headship is repeated in congregational organization, community management, and in individual family structures. Only males are ordained to the priesthood. This patriarchal order is understood to be divinely inspired, thus binding on believers who wish to remain faithful to their marriage vows and religious commitments. Fundamentalist Mormons share these views. Many of their communities also practice the law of consecration whereby material goods such as property may be communally owned and surplus goods or assets shared within the community. Fundamentalists, in general, are highly critical of mainstream Mormons for having abandoned original doctrines concerning the practice of polygamy and consider their own beliefs to be more closely aligned with Joseph Smith’s ideas about eternal families.

ORGANIZATIONAL ROLES PERFORMED BY WOMEN

Organizational roles performed by women in fundamentalist Mormon communities vary from group to group and extend well beyond the shared management of large households. Legal scholar Angela Campbell discusses “polygamy’s pragmatic benefits,” and notes how sister-wives divide child-care responsibilities after a birth, how they negotiate household duties in order to facilitate women’s employment outside the home, or how they empower sister-wives to further their education (Campbell 2016:60). Some sister-wives capitalize on their experience in family finance administration and collaborative child-rearing outside the domestic sphere, where “they may also play decisive roles in the management of community welfare and governance, serving as vocal and visible decision-makers” (Campbell 2016:62). Women’s roles are often shaped by the mandate of the Relief Society, an organization for women initiated with Joseph Smith’s blessing in 1842. The Relief Society was intended to provide “opportunities for association, leadership, COMPASSIONATE SERVICE, and education” and permitted women a certain degree of “authority” in church governance and teaching of other women (Cannon and Mulvay-Derr 1992:1199, emphasis in original). In her study of women from the Apostolic United Brethren in Montana, anthropologist Janet Bennion (2012) observed the organization of

“efficient female economic and spiritual networks that included a Montessori school program, a wheat grinding mill, a fruit cannery, and a dairy—all operated by the Relief Society, an auxiliary project led by women that was designed to help fulfill the needs of the community” (57).

Fundamentalist Mormon women in certain communities also serve as spiritual leaders, with some even performing anointings and blessings of other women (Bennion 2012: 94; 1998: 42, 50, 61).

ISSUES/CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN IN FUNDAMENTALIST LATTER DAY SAINT MOVEMENTS

There are a number of issues that are unique to fundamentalist Mormon women: first, vulnerability caused by secrecy; second, and related to the first, compromised capacity for social change from within; and third, enhanced risk of family disruption.

Fundamentalist Mormon women in polygamous marriages and families live much of their lives within a framework constructed on the awareness that they are living differently than much of society. This difference has been the source of negative sanction in the form of laws that criminalize their family arrangements. They are thus compelled to live their lives in relative secrecy prompted by a combination of two externally-created factors: criminalization and negative stereotypes. Vulnerability is further exacerbated by internal factors. Positioning the criminal nature of plural wife status as the problem, rather than women’s choices within polygamy per se, Janet Bennion and law and gender studies professor Lisa Fishbayn Joffe argue that the marginalization of polygamous families can be a causative factor for abuse (2016a). “The conditions under which polygamy is practiced in North America,” according to the authors “may allow domestic violence to thrive. Abusers may deliberately choose to settle in remote places in order to maintain control over their victims without being observed, and women in such isolated locations are unable to leave the community easily” (Bennion and Joffe 2016b:11). However, as data about violence against women suggests, in any intimate situation in which women are abused they are often reluctant to report abuse. Thus, internal and external factors may work together to increase significantly the “holy hush” around abuse (Nason-Clark 2008:172). It is not that women are more likely to be abused in polygamous relationships, but that when they are abused they are even more vulnerable than other women. Angela Campbell agrees. In her response to a July 2017 legal ruling in British Columbia that reaffirmed polygamy as a criminal offense in Canada (see Graveland 2017), Campbell contends that continued legal proscriptions harm women and children by making them fearful of reporting abuses. In her view, “criminalization makes it impossible for them to seek resources or services they need, including in cases of domestic violence. Their concern is that reaching out would ‘out’ them as polygamous wives, potentially triggering child welfare investigations or criminal charges against them” (Campbell 2017).

Related to this is the silencing impact of polygamy’s illegal status, which impedes the efforts of women to lobby for change from within. Issues such as underage marriage of girls and “lost boys,” who are expelled from the fundamentalist Mormon communities, are of concern to fundamentalist Mormon women, but activism exposes women to the wider society as living in plural families (Eckholm 2007). This makes them open to scrutiny and possibly criminal prosecution.

Finally, the risk of family disruption is omnipresent for women in polygamous communities. Raids carried out in various fundamentalist Latter Day Saint populations over multiple decades underscore the threat of spousal separation, child removal, financial hardship, and decreased ability to interact with non-polygamous society (Wright and Palmer 2016). Indeed, the characterization of polygamy as a monolithic practice obscures other issues, such as women’s education, employment, and social relations aside from respective family units. There is a wide diversity of practice among fundamentalist Mormon communities, and the lived experience of women in polygamous families outside of the more reclusive groups is underrepresented in the academic literature.

A major challenge for women is the stereotypical portrayal of fundamentalist Mormon groups in mainstream media. Media coverage has often focused on the sensational rather than the everyday lives of families, which are really rather mundane (Campbell 2009). In her interviews with polygamous women in Bountiful, British Columbia, Campbell describes the ordinary moments of community gardening, teenagers talking about music, or being offered an ice cream bar as the routine happenings of everyday life, on the whole neglected by the media (Campbell 2009). Only dramatic incidents tend to get media attention, such as highly publicized parental arrests and removal of children from polygamous communities. Perhaps the best-known incidents in fundamentalist Mormon history are the raids on the Fundamentalist Latter Day Saint (FLDS) community at Short Creek (later known as Colorado City), Arizona in 1953 in which 263 children were put into state custody, and the FLDS community at Yearning for Zion Ranch near Eldorado, Texas in 2008, when 439 children were removed from their families (Bradley 1993; Bennion 2012; Wright and Palmer 2016: 154). These events constructed (and reinforced) an ongoing public conversation about female submission, along with abuse, neglect, and exploitation of children. Rigid patriarchal structures in fundamentalist Mormon movements coupled with state legal frameworks that criminalize polygamy contribute to the well-documented abuses that plague certain communities. It is nevertheless the dramatic stories, rather than accounts of everyday life, which continue to drive negative narratives in the media.

In recent years there has been a gradual shift in media portrayals to more sophisticated renderings of fundamentalist Mormon polygamous family life. In a 2010 report from National Geographic, for example, readers learned about the ordinary in a detailed account of social life in two polygamous hamlets. Journalist Scott Anderson described the “communal spirit” he observed as members of the FLDS community living in Hildale, Utah and Colorado City, Arizona came together to help with neighborhood construction projects, building a house in a single day. His assessment: “to spend time in Hildale and Colorado City is to come away with a more nuanced view” (Anderson 2010:4). Likewise, the popularity of television dramas and reality shows such as Big Love, Sister Wives, and My Five Wives has opened up a more robust public dialogue on Mormon polygamy and may be significantly altering public opinion (Bennion 2012). In commenting on the 2016 legal challenge brought by reality television personality Cody Brown in Brown v. Buhman, Bennion and Joffe observe that “openly polygamous families may be encouraging a social shift in society in favor of toleration and decriminalization of polygamy. Primetime television has played no small part in this normative transformation” (Bennion and Joffe 2016b:18).

There is a wealth of academic literature that examines the denial of agency to religious women, the most recent wave being that focused on Muslim women (Mahmood 2011), Orthodox Jewish women (Davidman 2015), and evangelical Christian identity and gender (Gallagher 2003), among others. This body of scholarship is an invitation to reconsider the characterization of religious women as having limited or no agency. “Women who are religious, especially fundamentalist, orthodox, observant, or practicing (as they are variously labeled and label themselves) are not imagined to make choices in the same way as the ‘free’ women of the sexually liberated neoliberal market-capitalist world” (Beaman 2016:43). Sociologist Lori G. Beaman argues that with their choices deemed “not really choices” by etic observers, religious women are often imagined to be uniquely oppressed in patriarchal groups (Beaman 2014:242). She positions religious women’s agency beyond the “summary dismissal of them as brainwashed, having false consciousness or as being doormats” by so-called secular feminists (Beaman 2013:1147–48). This imaginary is constructed without their voices, their resistances, and their strategies for change, and fails to respect women’s religious commitment. Campbell makes a similar point on how “women’s narratives, recorded through empirical scholarship, often contradict the suppositions and aspirations driving the formal governance of polygamy” (Campbell 2016:5). Stories told of polygamous family structures, then, are often media-driven depictions erected almost entirely apart from those whom they claim to portray. The law has likewise served to reinforce negative stereotypes with victim-only accounts of fundamentalist women. Thus, we see the importance of contributions such as Campbell’s, which offer alternatives to prevailing stereotypical representations. In emphasizing how the women she interviewed “cast Bountiful as a heterogeneous and dynamic social and political space, where at least some women are able to wield considerable authority in their marriages, families, and community,” the opportunity for a more textured narrative of their lived experience emerges (Campbell 2009:188).

What do deeper examinations of the lives of fundamentalist Mormon women in polygamous marriages and families portend for law and public policy? For social psychologist Irwin Altman and anthropologist Joseph Ginat, their landmark study of relationality and social bonding in polygamous groups was motivated by a desire to understand “newly emerging forms of family” and to work towards the aspirational goals of quelling “animosities, hatreds, and divisiveness” about the religious other (Altman and Ginat 1996:x, xiii). Legal scholar Gillian Calder sees the conversation on emergent family forms as destabilizing what many suppose are “settled” questions about the “constitutionality of polygamy” (Calder 2014:230). From sister-wives using new laws on marriage equality to marry each other as a form of resistance against the state, to a recent judgment about non-conjugal “co-mammas” raising a child together (Bramham 2017; Ireton 2017), the normativity of monogamous marriage is in flux and the legitimization of diverse family forms has become a conversation about difference. Polygamy as a choice for organizing family units, then becomes one among many legitimate choices.

According to Bennion and Joffe, “For centuries, polygamy has played a role in the public imagination as metaphor and catalyst for discussing other challenging marital practices. Indeed, the history of regulation of polygamy evokes legacies of religious and cultural intolerance” (2016b:8). Though often highly contentious, the questions raised by fundamentalist Mormon women are vitally important to social and legal constructions of what “family” means and the conceptualization of agency within that structure.

REFERENCES

Anderson, Scott. 2010. “The Polygamists.” National Geographic. February. Accessed from http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/2010/02/polygamists/anderson-text/1 on 5 July 2018.

Altman, Irwin, and Joseph Ginat. 1996. Polygamous Families in Contemporary Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Beaman, Lori G. 2016. “Opposing Polygamy: A Matter of Equality or Patriarchy?” Pp. 42-61 in The Polygamy Question, edited by Janet Bennion and Lisa Fishbayn Joffe. Logan: Utah State University Press.

Beaman, Lori G. 2014. “‘Everything Is Water’: On Being Baptized in Secularism.” Pp. 237-46 in Secularism on the Edge: Rethinking Church-State Relations in the United States, France, and Israel, edited by Jacques Berlinerblau, Sarah Fainberg, and Aurora Nou. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Beaman, Lori G. 2013. “Overdressed and Underexposed or Underdressed and Overexposed?” Oñati Socio-Legal Series 3:1136–57. Accessed from http://ssrn.com/abstract=2356817 on 5 July 2018.

Bennion, Janet. 2012. Polygamy in Primetime: Media, Gender, and Politics in Mormon Fundamentalism. Lebanon, NH: Brandeis University Press.

Bennion, Janet. 1998. Women of Principle: Female Networking in Contemporary Mormon Polygyny. New York: Oxford University Press.

Bennion, Janet, and Lisa Fishbayn Joffe, eds. 2016a. The Polygamy Question, Logan: Utah State University Press.

Bennion, Janet, and Lisa Fishbayn Joffe. 2016b. “Introduction.” Pp. 3-24 in The Polygamy Question, edited by Janet Bennion and Lisa Fishbayn Joffe. Logan: Utah State University Press.

Bradley, Martha Sontag. 1993. Kidnapped from that Land: The Government Raids on the Short Creek Polygamists. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.

Bramham, Daphne. 2017. “Real Life Polygamy: Where Sisters are Sister-Wives and Sometimes Even Wife-and-Wife.” National Post,  April 14. Accessed from http://nationalpost.com/news/real-life-polygamy-where-sisters-are-sister-wives-and-sometimes-even-wife-and-wife/wcm/046af244-a1e6-458c-a766-feba627fc1f3 on 5 July 2018.

Calder, Gillian. 2014. “‘To the Exclusion of All Others’—Polygamy, Monogamy, and the Legal Family in Canada.” Pp. 215-33 in Polygamy’s Rights and Wrongs: Perspectives on Harm, Family, and Law, edited by Gillian Calder and Lori G. Beaman. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.

Campbell, Angela. 2016. Sister Wives, Surrogates and Sex Workers: Outlaws by Choice? New York: Routledge.

Campbell, Angela. 2017. “Polygamy Ban Fails to Protect Women and Children.” The Globe and Mail, July 25. Accessed from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/polygamy-ban-fails-to-protect-women-and-children/article35790131/ on 5 July 2018.

Campbell, Angela. 2009. “Bountiful Voices.” Osgoode Hall Law Journal 2:183–234.

Cannon, Janath Russell, and Jill Mulvay-Derr. 1992. “Relief Society.” Pp. 1199-1206 in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, edited by Daniel H. Ludlow. New York: MacMillan.

Davidman, Lynn. 2015. Becoming Unorthodox: Stories of Ex-Hasidic Jews. New York: Oxford University Press.

Eckholm, Erik. 2007. “Boys Cast Out by Polygamists Find Help.” New York Times, September 9. Accessed from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/09/us/09polygamy.html on 5 July 2018.

Gallagher, Sally K. 2003. Evangelical Identity and Gendered Family Life. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Graveland, Bill. 2017. “Two Former Bishops Guilty of Polygamy Involving Isolated Sect in Bountiful, B.C.” The Globe and Mail, July 24. Accessed from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/british-columbia/two-former-bishops-guilty-of-polygamy-involving-isolated-sect-in-bountiful-bc/article35783941/ on 5 July 2018.

Hardy, B. Carmon. 1993. Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

Ireton, Julie. 2017. “Raising Elaan: Profoundly Disabled Boy’s ‘Co-mommas’ Make Legal History.” CBC News,  February 21. Accessed from http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/ottawa/multimedia/raising-elaan-profoundly-disabled-boy-s-co-mommas-make-legal-history-1.3988464 on 5 July 2018.

Mahmood, Saba. 2011. The Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Mason, Patrick, and Armand Mauss. 2013. “Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.” World Religions and Spirituality Project. Accessed from https://wrldrels.org/2016/10/08/lds/ on 5 July 2018.

Nason-Clark, Nancy. 2008. “When Terror Strikes in the Christian Home.” Pp.  167-83 in Beyond Abuse in the Christian Home: Raising Voices for Change, ed. Catherine Clark Kroeger, Nancy Nason-Clark, and Barbara Fisher-Townsend. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock.

“Plural Marriage in Kirtland and Nauvoo.” n.d. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Accessed from https://www.lds.org/topics/plural-marriage-in-kirtland-and-nauvoo?lang=eng on 22 May 2018.

Wright, Stuart A., and Susan J. Palmer. 2016. Storming Zion: Government Raids on Religious Communities. New York: Oxford University Press.

SUPPLEMENTARY RESOURCES

Bushman, Richard Lyman. 2005. Joseph Smith Rough Stone Rolling: A Cultural Biography of Mormonism’s Founder.  New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

“Chronology of Church History: Timeline.” n.d. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Accessed from https://history.lds.org/timeline/tabular/chronology-of-church-history?lang=eng on 22 May 2018.

Compton, Todd. 1997. In Sacred Loneliness: The Plural Wives of Joseph Smith. Salt Lake City: Signature Books.

Driggs, Ken, and Marianne Watson. 2011. “Fundamentalist Mormon and FLDS Timeline.” Pp. xi–xv in Modern Polygamy in the United States: Historical, Cultural, and Legal Issues, edited by Cardell K. Jacobsen and Lara Burton. New York: Oxford University Press.

Jacobsen, Cardell K. and Lara Burton, eds. 2011. Modern Polygamy in the United States: Historical, Cultural, and Legal Issues. New York: Oxford University Press.

Vance, Laura. 2017. “The Question of Women’s Ordination and Gender Roles in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.” Accessed from https://wrldrels.org/2017/03/11/the-question-of-womens-ordination/ on 22 May 2018.

Post Date:
7 July 2018

 

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